Introduction
This post will discuss the founding of the Swiss Anabaptist movement (the Swiss Brethren), in Zürich, Switzerland, during the early sixteenth century, as well as the person who is often credited as the founder of this movement, Conrad Grebel (1485-1526). Grebel’s background, including his family, education, and work in Zürich, will be unpacked. It will be argued that the Swiss variant is the original form of Anabaptism. To fully appreciate the Anabaptist movement within Zürich, it becomes necessary to have an understanding of the primary theological reformer of that city: Ulrich (also, Huldreich or Huldrych) Zwingli. Therefore, Zwingli and the Swiss Reformation, as well as the relationship that the Swiss Brethren (congregation of Anabaptists in Switzerland) had with them, will be illustrated. Also, a summary discussion of Grebel’s theology will be presented. After exploring the above issues, it would be profitable to briefly discuss what Anabaptism looked like, during and just after Grebel’s lifetime.
Ulrich Zwingli: Pre-Reformation Years
Perhaps it is unfortunate for Zwingli’s legacy that he lived and worked during an exciting time within Europe. A time in which the popular expression within academia was, ad fontes (“back to the sources”), as this was a time in which humanism would bear its influence on theological and scholastic thought. (The primary influence of humanism on theology is that it drove those who could read Greek to the New Testament.) This was a period that would produce John Calvin and Martin Luther, who would both overshadow Zwingli in most discussions of history, in general, and within Reformation history, in particular.[1] Born in the Toggenburg Village, of the eastern Alpine region of Switzerland, Ulrich Zwingli came into the world, just a few weeks after Luther, his German counterpart, on January 1, 1484.[2]
Like Luther, he was determined to join up with a monastic cloister (in his case, a group of Dominicans in Bern of the Swiss Confederation).[3] However, unlike Luther’s family, Zwingli’s parents were able to persuade their son to pursue a thorough education in some of the leading centers of learning during this time: Basel, Bern, and Vienna.[4] It was during his time in Basel and Bern that he likely became influenced in humanistic scholarship, as these were two leading cities of humanism during this period.[5] During this time of his life as a student, he would develop his skills at understanding the Greek language, becoming quite proficient. Soon after graduating in 1506, he became the priest in the Swiss village of Glarus, in which he was the chaplain to the Swiss troops located there.[6]
During this ten-year stint, Zwingli was afforded the time needed to develop his theology within a humanistic perspective. Soon after taking a similar post within Einsiedeln, in 1516, the fuse for the explosion of the Swiss Reformation was lit; he began to study the Bible (at least, the New Testament), for the first time.[7] Having received and read a copy of Erasmus’ New Testament (possibly, from the hand of Erasmus[8]) for the first time, Zwingli was afforded the opportunity to compare the words of Paul, and the other authors of the New Testament, with the Roman Catholic Church of his day. The result was that, prior to taking orders within the canton of Zürich as the people’s priest of the Grossmünster in 1519, he was determined to preach the gospel and nothing else.[9] However convinced Zwingli may have been about the erroneous state of the Roman Catholic Church, he did not actively begin his reforming efforts until 1522. However, during the interim, Zwingli became noted for his expositional skills and his ability to articulate the gospel. Thus, through Zwingli’s preaching, many within Zürich would become converted to a biblical version of Christianity.[10] This was the period in which Conrad Grebel would come directly under his influence.[11]
Conrad Grebel
Born into a prominent family in 1498, Grebel was one of two sons, within a family of six children of Jacob and Dorothea Grebel. For many generations, the Grebel’s had at least one member of their family filling a seat within the said city’s council. Prior to the Protestant Reformation, this family was a part of many of the important political movements within Zürich. This same family supplied a number of magistrates to the city of Zürich. Further, they were a family residing in the lower classes of the nobility. The most politically and economically successful member of this family was Conrad Grebel’s father, Junker (Germano-Austrian title; literately means, “young lord”) Jacob Grebel. As the son of Jacob Grebel, a man with connections in the upper echelon of European royal society, much of the younger Grebel’s early life can be categorized as an abject failure and that of falling short of expectations.[12]
Grebel’s Education
Grebel’s primary education, which had its foundation in the Latin model, was at the Carolina of the Grossmünster within Zürich for six years, prior to 1514. It was during this period that he was, likely, introduced to the Latin language. The pedagogical philosophy of this school was the traditional scholastic-style education that would have lacked the same intellectual spirit of the humanistic version that he would receive in university.[13] Soon, in October of 1514, Grebel would find himself in university studies in Basel. It was in Basel that he became associated with a noted humanist, Glarean. It was under Glarean’s tutelage that the young Grebel would have first been introduced to humanist thought. It must be noted, however, that Anabaptist scholars are not united as to the form of humanism that Grebel was exposed to, during this time. Bender and Estep agree that it was not of the decadent and immoral Italian version. However, Bender resists any form of Erasmian attribution, while Estep takes the opposing view. Bender contends that Glarean was not interested in religious reform, but, instead, only concerned himself with the promotion of the liberal arts. Estep, however, sees in Glarean a champion of high moral standards; perhaps, even, a champion of societal moral reform.[14]
After one year in Basel, Grebel’s father, due to an award of a scholarship via Maximilian I (the Holy Roman Emperor during that time), had him transferred to the University of Vienna.[15] While at Vienna, Grebel would fall under the influence of Vadian (whose hometown was near that of Grebel’s), a humanist who took it upon himself to gather the Swiss students into groups that were known for form close bonds. It was during this time, in which, a life-long friendship between Grebel and Vadian took root. Furthermore, their relationship would become closer than this, as Vadian would become Grebel’s brother-in-law through his marriage with Grebel’s sister, Martha, in 1519.[16] His time in Vienna would be marked by a number of personal changes. Vienna, itself, while being a center for humanist study (which often sought for a moral perspective regarding how to live), was also a very immoral and socially loose city. The young Grebel would soon throw himself, headlong, into the city-life of Vienna. Like many of his classmates, Grebel was prone to drinking to excess; he took up fighting, over and against disputation, to settle conflicts; further, he was known to be sexually promiscuous — a habit that he would go on to attribute a disease that he would fight for the rest of his life. Estep describes the tone of his Vienna days, in the following way, “…Vienna may have been a stimulating experience intellectually, but it was spiritually and morally debilitating (sic).”[17]
After three years in Vienna, without successfully attaining a degree, Grebel managed to get himself transferred to the University of Paris, in September of 1518. Once again, his father used his political contacts to secure for his son the necessary funding to supply this education. This was an opportunity that he seemed to look forward to, as it would be an occasion to study under Glarean, his favorite instructor, once again. However, as a humanist, Glarean was a moral man, a charge that could not be leveled against Grebel, at this time. Therefore, it would not be long before these two found themselves at odds with one another.[18] Within three months of his joining Glarean’s bursa, in Paris, Grebel would be dismissed from this same group. The incident that led to this may have been related to the election of a new Holy Roman Emperor, in 1519.[19] Grebel may have provided an allusion to this issue in a letter, dated June 9, 1519, to his friend, Myconius, “…what my misfortune is like, I have not the time to relate. If you do not know it, I would prefer to have you learn of it from my father (sic).”[20]
As a result of this expulsion from the Glarean bursa, Grebel spent nearly one year in a voluntary exile from the university. After this, he attempted to resume his studies, however, by the middle of 1519, the bubonic plague was ravaging through the city of Paris.[21] Grebel’s letters reveal that it was due to the plague of 1519, that he decided to flee Paris, as, “…they tell me the plague can be avoided if one flees away from the place where it is raging […] I have also myself decided to do this (sic).”[22] However, he did not return to Zürich, just yet; as, many of his letters provide for us strong evidence that he remained, either, near to Paris, or within an area of Paris not stricken with the plague. Of his nine letters written to Myconius, letter 6 was dated from Paris on April 13, 1520; the next letter was dated from Zürich on July 25, 1520.[23] Therefore, sometime between those two dates, Grebel apparently had given up on the hope of completing his studies in Paris, returned to his home in Zürich, and became a three-time college drop-out.
After six years in university study, Grebel managed to have only one significant thing to show for his time and efforts; and it would have a great impact on the religious and social scene of Switzerland, southern Germany, and Holland ever since. He returned to Zürich having learned a high degree of proficiency in Latin, Greek, and, possibly, Hebrew. However, while he was an avowed humanist and had a great appreciation for classic Greek literature, he did not, by this time, encounter the Greek New Testament. Thus, he had failed to acquire any form of biblical Christianity.[24] Instead, as can be evidenced by his letters, his speech and views of casual relationships were affected by the Greco-Roman Pantheon. Throughout his correspondence to Myconius, Grebel often cited, “Fortune”, “the gods”, “Cupid”, as well as other references to Greco-Roman deities and demi-gods to explain or negate his personal issues due to poor choices on his behalf.[25]
While Grebel would make short-lived attempts at other educational and training opportunities, the reality was that he was bound to remain in or near his hometown of Zürich for the bulk of his remaining days alive. While there, he fell in love with Zwingli’s scholastic work and soon found himself interacting with him and a small group of young intellectuals who were being groomed by Zwingli to assist in his upcoming theological and ecclesiastical reforming efforts.
Grebel with Zwingli
Not long after Grebel was re-established within Zürich, out of his interest for the study of humanism and the Greek classics, he joined a small and exclusive group of young intellectuals who had circled around Zwingli. While Grebel had proved himself to be a very irresponsible man, he was still a man driven by learning. Therefore, his purpose in joining with Grebel seems to have been merely to continue his studies on an informal basis. However, for Zwingli, the formation of this group and his involvement in it was a calculation on his part. As previously mentioned, by 1520 (the likely year that Grebel joined his group), Zwingli, had not yet begun an active program of reform. Even though he was thoroughly convinced of the necessity of reform away from Rome much earlier than this, he understood that he would need to build the foundation that would make his reforming efforts a success. Therefore, while this small group did study many of the Greek classics, Zwingli took it upon himself to introduce them to the Greek manuscripts of the New Testament. Another practice of Zwingli was to begin his lessons by introducing his group to the Latin Vulgate version of the New Testament,[26] he would then lead them in the translation and exegesis of these passages into their native German. Next, Zwingli and many of the members of the group challenged themselves to record expository sermons from their notes.[27]
While this process may have certainly convinced many within this group of the necessity of reform, it is quite likely that this only reached as deep as their minds. At a minimum, though, this could be said of Grebel, as it was not through these meetings and the work that he and others performed in them that convicted his heart and mind of his sin and his need of Christ. Rather, like many within this city, Grebel was converted through the preaching of the gospel through the ministry of Zwingli.[28] The exact date of this event is difficult to determine. However, what is abundantly obvious is a change in the language and tone of his written correspondence. As earlier highlighted, his correspondence to Myconius, during January 1519 through November 1521, did not reflect the mind of a convinced and committed Christian. However, all of his writings, including his personal letters, from mid-1522 and after, were noticeably absent of his many allusions to Greco-Roman deities, ideas, and concepts. Replacing these were references to the Bible, mentions of Christ, and specific citations of Bible verses.[29]
By 1522, Grebel was obviously a changed man; and to that end, he owed much to Zwingli and his ministry. It should not be a surprise, therefore, that Grebel and Zwingli became very close associates. As Grebel grew in his faith and in his knowledge of scriptural concepts, Zwingli began to depend on his assistance more and more. Two pieces of data support this notion, supremely. It was widely rumored that, prior to their eventual split, Zwingli so admired and esteemed Grebel that he had hoped to provide for him a professor’s chair within a planned-for Protestant university within Zürich.[30] On August 23, 1522, Zwingli published his Apologeticus Archeteles, a booklet that expounded the basic reform program intended by Zwingli to be carried out in Zürich. What’s striking is that Grebel wrote a short Latin poem to close out this booklet, within the appendix. This is highly significant, as it is an essential admission by Grebel that he is one with Zwingli, in regard to this proposed reform program. The language, both of Grebel and Zwingli, within the Archeteles, made it obvious that they had accepted the Bible as the sole possessor of authority for matters of faith in the life of a Christian, in particular, and within a church, in general. [31] Using Reformation language, this pair established themselves as holding to the position of sola scriptura — the view that scripture alone, specifically the Bible, is the only infallible source of authority, direction, and teaching to the believer in Christ. However, as events played out, Zwingli would display a willingness to put this on hold in order to maintain the bulk of his reform efforts within his city. This would lead to the beginnings of a sharp divide between these two friends, beginning in October of 1523.
The Labor Pains of Swiss Anabaptism
The first signs of division between Grebel and Zwingli showed up during the Second Disputation of October 1523. While on the topic of the Lord’s Supper, Zwingli and Grebel pushed to move its administration toward a more simplistic form, as close to that which is found within the New Testament. However, when the city council indicated their willingness to resist the reformers on this point, Zwingli backed off and refused to break with the council, while Grebel continued to push this issue.[32]
It should be recognized, however, that Zwingli’s willingness to see things the city council’s way on this issue is not an indication that he agreed with them. Early on, Zwingli had shown himself to be a man who was patient enough to await the opportune moment to move evermore forward with his reforming ideas. His three-year preaching of the gospel and his two-year investment in the small group of young intellectuals display this. While he was convinced of the rightness of reform, he would not allow, even that same rightness, to destroy his reforming efforts. It was better to wait than to see it all destroyed. Grebel was embittered by this, as to him, fidelity to the Word of God was primary. He displayed this disappointment with Zwingli and the Zürich city elders in a letter to his brother-in-law, Vadian, “…the Word was overthrown (sic)”.[33]
The question that was before Grebel was this: should a seated government have the primary say and directing authority in matters of conscious conviction? In other words, will the state or the church be the primary interpreter and expositor of the Word of God? While Zwingli was content to continue to work within the parameters set by the Zürich city council, Grebel was beginning to view this, more and more, as a clear violation of the teachings of Scripture. Grebel could not come to an understanding of how Zwingli was willing to wait. Grebel’s perspective was that the Word of the Lord could not be overcome by civil authorities and would have withstood and overcome any challenge to this regard. Furthermore, he seems to have been willing to face the consequences for his loyalty to the Word.[34]
The Swiss Brethren
While not yet completely separated from Zwingli, this group was essentially an unofficial entity in 1523. Other than Grebel, a significant figure in this group was Felix Manz, who would become Anabaptism’s first martyr to surrender his life. These two, including a Simon Stumpf, approached Zwingli with the apparent goal of reaching an understanding. Since this small party believed that they would not be able to compromise the Word in the way that they perceived Zwingli to have done, they approached Zwingli to propose the formation of a separate church within Zürich.[35] It would be a free-church, one not bound to the coercion of the city council. Since it was to be free from these bonds, it was to be a believer’s church that was centered around the gospel and the teaching of the apostles. In short, they proposed the formation of the first Anabaptist-type congregation, prior to the institution of believer’s baptism, however.
By 1524, this small group would find itself fully separated from their former mentor. The point of dispute that led to this cleavage was the disparate views on baptism. For Grebel and the Brethren, baptism was an outward sign of an inward repentance and change of heart. It was designed to act as a testimony that the believer belonged to Christ and that he had been cleansed and washed by His blood. Furthermore, it was a sign of their promise to live in a consistent manner with the teachings of the Word and to be open to godly discipline when they strayed from this course.[36]
There is evidence that Zwingli was more than sympathetic to this perspective, early on. Sadly, though, Zwingli was fearful of the potential consequences of following this path. There are at least three reasons for this. First, he was fearful that pushback from the city council would retard, if not, destroy, the reform. Second, he feared that the numbers within such a church would be too small to maintain the church. Third, Zwingli had a more inclusive view of the church than did the Swiss Brethren. While he recognized that the church, in reality, was comprised only of those whose heart belonged to God. Practically, however, he saw a potential regenerative and sanctifying service to the nominal Christian and to the unregenerate in their midst.[37] One needs to be reminded that many within Zürich were brought to Christ through his expository preaching in the Grossmünster; this included Grebel, who was now challenging him. While Grebel and the Brethren can be judged to be faithful to the Bible with their doctrine of baptism, how could Zwingli really be expected to follow them? For him, far too much was at stake; the conditions within Zürich called for a level of patience that the Swiss Brethren, especially Grebel, lacked.
For the next year, Grebel took the reign of leadership and expended much energy searching for an ally via correspondence. In the summer of 1524, he had written to Martin Luther, detailing his basic theology and complaint against the Zwinglian reforming efforts. While Luther probably never wrote back to Grebel, he did receive an encouraging word from Luther via a mutual acquaintance (Andreas Karlstadt). During this same approximate time, Grebel also reached out this former colleague of Luther. Karlstadt, who, by this time, had broken from Luther for complementary reasons as Grebel had from Zwingli. However, as Karlstadt surveyed the scene, he reported to Grebel that he viewed the situation as being impossible and backed away from the Brethren.
By this point, the Brethren came to grips that they would be forced to fight alone. The fact that a fight was a real possibility came through a number of messages preached that contained clear threats to the Brethren, as well as, public and private warnings that they might pay with their lives if they did not relent. All of this occurred in the last part of 1524, which was also when the challenge of paedobaptism (baptism of infants) occurred. However, contrary to the past, Zwingli pushed this argument to the fore. It seems, however, that his goal may not have been to crush his opposition or to see to their destruction. It may very well be that he was attempting to bring them back to his point-of-view, on the matter. First, he attempted to convince them via private discussion. When this failed, he appealed to the city council to organize a public debate, to be held on January 17, 1525.[38]
The January Disputation of 1525
It seems that both sides agreed to let the city council decide who the victor of this debate would be. Based upon this, it could be concluded that the Brethren did not appear with any hope of attaining a victory over Zwingli. It could be that their major goal was to convince as many in the audience of the rightness of their position. This view is put forth because it was actually the city council who desired to have paedobaptism practiced in the churches of Zürich; Zwingli was going along with this view hoping to maintain his reforming efforts. However, in this debate, he would perform as an ardent defender of the doctrine, as well. During this debate, which featured Grebel, Felix Manz, and George Blaurock, Grebel would play the leading role on the side of the Brethren.
The result was predictable and the city council handed down their decision in two parts. First, the Brethren were ordered to cease in their Bible study groups and to stop teaching their views on baptism. Second, they were, all, to submit their children to the state church for baptism. If the Brethren chose to ignore these decisions, the city council left them with three options. Compromise their firmly held biblical convictions and stay in Zürich, unmolested. Next, they could have maintained their position, forfeit their homes and be forced into exile. Finally, they could maintain their position and face the sword.[39]
Birth of Swiss Anabaptism
The Brethren had been meeting together for biblical counsel and prayer, in order to determine their next course of action. In the midst of such a meeting on the 21st of January, a fateful decision was made and acted upon. For our benefit, we have the testimony of one who claims to have been an eyewitness at this event,
And it came to pass that they were together until anxiety came upon them, yes, they were so pressed within their hearts. Thereupon they began to bow their knees to the Most High God in heaven and called upon him as the Informer of Hearts, and they prayed that he would give to them his divine will and that he would show his mercy unto them. For flesh and blood and human forwardness did not drive them, since they well knew what they would have to suffer on account of it. After the prayer, George of the House of Jacob (George Blaurock) stood up and besought Conrad Grebel for God’s sake to baptize him with the true Christian baptism upon his faith and knowledge. And when he knelt down with such a request and desire, Conrad baptized him, since at that time there was no ordained minister to perform such work.[40]
Some Distinctive Doctrines of Conrad Grebel
A number of doctrines held by the Swiss Brethren (church disciple, Lord’s Supper, and baptism) will not be covered in this section, as they were addressed earlier in this paper.
By extension, the discussion in the section can also be directly attributed to the Swiss Brethren, who would become the Swiss Anabaptists. While Grebel and the Swiss Brethren were thoroughly committed to the Bible, this group failed to produce a systematic theology. There are a number of reasons for this. They were in full agreement with Zwingli on all of the primary doctrines of Christianity—i.e. Trinitarianism, Christology, etc.[41] Grebel, as well as the leaders of this early movement, spent much time in exile or on the move. This lifestyle afforded for little time to devote their energies into developing this.[42] Grebel died not long after the break with Zwingli, in the summer of 1526, while visiting his sister in Germany.[43]
Grebel generally held the view that if something was not spoken of in the New Testament then it was forbidden. Therefore, he forbade singing in worship, specifically, because of its omission in the New Testament. For Grebel, he saw more evidence for this stance in Ephesians 5 and Colossians 3, where he believed that Paul forbade such practices.[44]
For Grebel, if a minister was to be supported, then it must not come from any governmental institution or representative. Grebel believed that such practices would inhibit the preaching of the gospel. Therefore, all monies used to support a local pastor must be from voluntary offerings from the members of the congregation. Furthermore, Grebel viewed the tithe as an Old Testament institution and rejected it. This rejection is directly related to his view that the New Testament is to be more authoritative than the Old Testament in the life of a Christian and in Christ’s church. Thus, the tithe was not to be upheld as a Christian practice.[45] It is likely that his view concerning the supremacy of the New Testament was due to his heightened eagerness to break from Rome. It must be remembered that much of the Roman Catholic doctrine that Protestants abhor was founded from the Old Testament and many of the Intertestamental writings. Thus, it was natural for Grebel to prefer the New Testament.
This final doctrine is generally regarded by many American Christians as a bridge too far: the sword. Grebel upheld the position of pacifism, or non-resistance, in the face of persecution and the threat of death. Grebel upheld a view of the church that involved the realistic possibility of suffering. For him, Christians are to be as “sheep among wolves, sheep for the slaughter, who must be baptized in anxiety and need [and] must be tested in the fire.[46]
Conclusion
Conrad Grebel, while being a great failure in his early life, ended his life as a successful Christian, in that, he was faithful to the Bible. Furthermore, he inspired generations of individuals, after him, to follow in a similar path. While history shows us that he and the rest of the Swiss Brethren owe much to Ulrich Zwingli, their break from him could not be for better reasons. For Grebel, it wasn’t necessarily about continuing the reformation of the Zürich church farther, it was, again, about being biblically consistent and faithful. History has been unkind to the Swiss Brethren and those groups who would branch off from their witness. Furthermore, Conrad Grebel had been, largely, ignored, forgotten, or misrepresented by contemporary Christians. It is sad that they are identified by the title “Radical Reformers,” because it belies the fact that their central goal was to live in harmony with and faithfulness to the Holy Word of God and the Gospel of Jesus Christ.
Bibliography
Bender, Harold S. “The Theology of Conrad Grebel,” The Mennonite Quarterly Review 12:1 (January 1, 1938): 27-54.
—.“Conrad Grebel, The Founder of Swiss Anabaptism,” Church History 7:2 (June 1, 1938): 157-178.
Estep, William R. The Anabaptist Story: An Introduction to Sixteenth Century Anabaptism, 3rd . Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1996.
Edward Yoder, ed. and trans. “Nine Letters of Conrad Grebel,” The Mennonite Quarterly Review 2:4 (October 1, 1928): 229-258.
George, Timothy. Theology of the Reformers. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 1988.
González, Justo L. The Story of Christianity: Vol. 2: The Reformation to the Present Day. New York, NY: HarperOne, 1985.
Grebel, Conrad. Letter to Thomas Muntzer, 1524. Bristol Baptist College: The Anabaptist Network, www.bristol-baptist.ac.uk/study-centres/anabaptist-study-centre/ (accessed September 8, 2016).
MacCulloch, Diarmaid. The Reformation: A History. New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2003.
MacGrath, Alister E. Historical Theology: An Introduction to the History of Christian Thought. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 1998.
Olsen, Roger E. The Story of Christian Theology: Twenty Centuries of Tradition and Reform.Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 1999.
Zorzin, Alejandro, “Reformation Publishing and Anabaptist Propaganda: Two Contrasting Communication Strategies for the Spread of the Anabaptist Message in the Early Days of the Swiss Brethren,” The Mennonite Quarterly Review 82:4 (October 1, 2008): 503-516.
Endnotes
[1] It is unfortunate that American Christians are not familiar with Zwingli. This is especially striking when we consider that Zwingli worked independent of Luther, likely benefitted from nothing of Luther, probably developed his Reformed ideas prior to Luther, and was much more of a systematic theologian than Luther.
[2] Timothy George, Theology of the Reformers (Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 1988), 51, 108.
[3] Diarmaid MacCulloch, The Reformation: A History (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2003), 137.
[4] Alister E. McGrath, Historical Theology: An Introduction to the History of Christian Thought (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 1998), 166.
[5] Justo L. González, The Story of Christianity: Volume 2: The Reformation to the Present Day (New York, NY: HarperOne, 1985), 46.
[6] Ibid.; George, 110.
[7] George, 112-2.
[8] Roger E. Olsen, The Story of Christian Theology: Twenty Centuries of Tradition & Reform (Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 1999), 399.
[9] William R. Estep, The Anabaptist Story: An Introduction to Sixteenth-Century Anabaptism, 3rd ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1996), 11.
[10] George, 113.
[11] Harold S. Bender, “Conrad Grebel, The Founder of Swiss Anabaptism,” Church History 7:2 (June 1, 1938), 165. Estep and Bender disagree on the dating. Estep maintains that Grebel returned to Zürich and joined a group of young humanist intellectuals, under the leadership of Zwingli, for the purpose of studying Greek texts, including the New Testament, in November of 1521 (Estep, 12). Bender, however, is less precise with his dating; suggesting that Grebel returned sometime between 1520-1521, entering into this study group sometime during this period (Bender, 165).
[12] Bender, 160.
[13] Ibid., #161.
[14] Bender, 164-5; Estep, 31.
[15] Ibid., #162.
[16] Bender, 163.
[17] Estep, 31-3.
[18] Ibid., #33.
[19] One of the candidates was the King of France, Francis, who was providing a stipend to Grebel to finance his education in Paris. However, in March of that same year, the Swiss Confederation had decided to resist the possibility of Francis’ election. This may have put Grebel in an embarrassing position. As a native Swiss, he may have felt pressure to support that decision of the Swiss leadership; however, as someone benefiting from the benevolence of the French King, he may have felt conflicted. What is known is that two of Glarean’s students had beat two Parisians to death in a fight, just prior to the date of Grebel’s dismissal from the Glarean bursa (Yoder, 256.10).
[20] Ibid., #242-3.
[21] Bender.
[22] Edward Yoder, ed. and trans. “Nine Letters of Conrad Grebel: Paris. July 18, 1519: To Myconius” The Mennonite Quarterly Review II:4 (Oct. 1, 1928), 244.
[23] Yoder, 250-1.
[24] Bender, 164-5.
[25] Yoder, 230, 243-54.
[26] This was a shared language within this group; further, there was, up to this point, a lack of New Testaments translated into the Swiss-German vernacular.
[27] Estep, 34-5.
[28] Bender, 166.
[29] Estep, 35.
[30] Bender, 166.
[31] Harold S. Bender, “The Theology of Conrad Grebel,” in The Mennonite Quarterly Review XII: 1 (Jan. 1, 1938), 34.
[32] Estep, 37.
[33] Letter of Grebel to Vadian, Dec. 18, 1523, taken from Estep, 38.
[34] Bender, Church History, 169.
[35] Bender, Church History, 168.
[36] Bender, Mennonite Quarterly Review, 42-3.
[37] Bender, Church History, 169.
[38] Estep, 37-8.
[39] Bender, Church History, 171-2.
[40] Account of Jörg Cajakob (George Blaurock) taken from, Estep, 13-4.
[41] Bender, Mennonite Quarterly Review, 46
[42] Ibid., #27; Alejandro Zorzin, “Reformation Publishing Reformation Publishing and Anabaptist Propaganda: Two Contrasting Communication Strategies for the Spread of the Anabaptist Message in the Early Days of the Swiss Brethren,” The Mennonite Quarterly Review 82:4 (October 1, 2008), 515-6.
[43] Estep, 43.
[44] Bender, Mennonite Quarterly Review, 41.
[45] Ibid. Conrad Grebel, Letter to Thomas Müntzer (1524) Bristol Baptist College: The Anabaptist Network, http://www.bristol-baptist.ac.uk/study-centres/anabaptist-study-centre/ (accessed September 8, 2016).
[46] Ibid., 42. An Amish associate of mine once convicted and challenged me with this, “What would have happened to the early Anabaptist movement if, when they saw the soldiers approaching their towns and settlements, they would have taken up arms and rifles to return fire?” My response was, “They would have been wiped out and their witness throughout Europe would have been damaged and likely destroyed.” He looked me in the eye and stated, “Now, you understand; but, can you live it out?”