A Teaching on Isaiah 1:10-20

 

Introduction

            This lesson will cover verses 10-20 of the first chapter in the book of Isaiah. It is within these verses that we read of God’s accusation of Judah’s spiritual adultery. Judah, really all of God’s people through today, are called to live in holiness in comparison to the world and worship in relation to God. The Lord was indicting His people, during Isaiah’s day, of attempting to do one (worship) apart from the other (holiness). Yahweh was calling upon His people to repent, return to Him, and to fulfill their end of the covenant. Central to this lesson is the idea that we must fulfill what God’s old covenant people failed to—we must live in holiness to the world and worship God, in such a way, that brings the nations to the Lord in a state of repentance. Repentance, in the sense that Isaiah pictures, will also be briefly examined and applied to us, today.

Isaiah 1:10-20

Verse 10 – A Call to Attention

            This oracle is bookended with the reason for God’s people to take notice, “Hear the word of the Lord,” (v. 10a) and, “for the mouth of the Lord has spoken,” (v. 20c). Isaiah was not speaking for himself or from his own mind; he was speaking on behalf of God. Therefore, God’s people were called to take close notice. Contrary to oracles of the past, God wasn’t just calling the leadership of His people to account. Rather, reference to “rulers” and “people” (v. 10) make it clear that things had digressed to the point that everyone was now culpable; for, it was not only the leadership who were to honor the covenant, it was also the people.[1] In other words, no one could claim that they were merely following in the direction that the priests or king were taking them. They were to know the Lord well enough to know His character. This extends to all of God’s people, throughout all of time. All of us, today, have access to the Word; we are to know our Lord’s character enough to know what He desires. On the day of your judgment, you will not be able to stand before Him and claim ignorance.

Verse 10 also tells us what God saw in His people; they had become like “Sodom” and “Gomorrah”. One of the purposes of the covenant between God and His people was to identify who they were and whom they were to reflect into the world.[2] Earlier in their history, they were told, “For I am the Lord your God. Consecrate yourselves therefore, and be holy for I am holy” (Lev. 11:44a). This was what God’s people are to be and whom they are to reflect in the world, throughout all of time. God’s people of the old covenant were to be holy and reflect the character of their Lord; furthermore, God’s people, today, are to be a holy people and reflect His character. However, God’s reference to these two ancient cities of sin points to the idea that the people of Judah had not just accepted the presence of sin in their lives and in their community. It also illuminates the idea that it was paraded as a lifestyle.[3]

Verses 11-15 – Corrupted Worship

            Verses 11-15 speak to what happens to our worship whenever we allow our lifestyle to become wrapped up in sin. The Lord tells His people, “What to me is the multitude of your sacrifices? (sic) I have had enough… (sic) Bring no more vain offerings. (sic) I will hide my eyes from you… (sic) I will not listen.” (vv. 11a, 13a, 15b). Even though God’s people were rife with a permissive attitude and practice of sin, their cultic worship of God was unchanged. They continued to practice the ceremony that they believed was required of them. However, their worship was now perverted and polluted with sin.[4] These multitudinous sacrifices required the killing of a fattened calf without spot or physical deformity. They were selected from birth for their purpose and set aside; they were special, highly prized, and expensive in the eyes of the people.[5] However, a sacrifice or gift of great cost and measure is not what the Lord desires; not even of us, today. He is interested in something much deeper than cost. He looks to the foundation, to first (or, primary) principle and position. God’s people weren’t called to go through the motions of worship because it is expected of them; or, because they hope that, by doing them, God would overlook their sin. Their hearts and minds were in the wrong place. They were living by an incorrect principle (ethic) and they had forgotten the purpose of their worship. An act of worship that is not coupled with a heart of holiness is meaningless and displeasing to the Lord.

Knowledge of God’s character must be followed by a life, whose overarching theme and direction, is following along with His character. This will not, however, make us righteous; Christ does this. However, God has not provided the means of our righteousness in order for us to order our lives in any way that we want. We, as God’s people, are called to reflect His character. This is not legalism; this is a theme of a proper relationship with the Creator of the cosmos. God may love us; however, He is also the embodiment of justice and righteousness, at all times and in the perfect sense. He will not look upon His people in love, one moment, and in justice, the next moment.

Verse 15 also speaks to the reversal of position that God’s people have allowed for themselves. In Leviticus 11:44 and Exodus 28:41, the Lord commanded His people to “consecrate” themselves. In the Hebrew, this refers to having one’s hands full, and the context is related to being about the Lord’s business.[6] However, the Lord is now telling them that their, “hands are full of blood”. This points very clearly to a surrendering of holiness and the taking up of guilt and sin. Instead of being about the business of the Lord (v. 17), they have been about the business of evil. They are trying to ride the fence and the live a double life; thus, their worship was neither lukewarm or cold, it was empty. Having been redeemed in Christ, washed in His blood, and possessing eternal life changes nothing, in regards to the ethical standards of our lives. God’s people are called to holiness and obedience as much today, as they were in Isaiah’s day.

Verses 16-17 – A Call for Repentance

            Alike other prophecies of judgment, Isaiah enumerates a way of escape—true repentance. The Lord amplifies the need of the people to be cleansed, inside and out, of their sins by speaking a triplicate message of action: “wash,” “clean,” and “remove the evil” (v. 16a). Therefore, we know that God was not changing the requirement of the Temple cultus; instead, this speaks to the condition of their heart during worship. Their hearts were rebellious, as they had departed from biblical justice. They had ceased to care for the weak among them (v. 16, “fatherless…widow’s”) that had already by spelled out by God, “the fatherless, and the widow, who are within your towns, shall come and eat and be filled” (Deut. 14:29b). This was counted as evil, which is the opposite of justice since it ignores God’s Word.

While these people were in clear violation of the Mosaic (Sinai) covenant, this command is actually amplified for God’s people, today. Within the people of God, there still exists the destitute, weak, orphaned, and widowed and it is still on the heads of God’s people to care for them.[7] Furthermore, we are warned to be, “found by him without spot or blemish, and at peace” (2 Pet. 3:14b). Therefore, if we are attempting to worship and live our lives while accepting sin in our lives, we need to repent. If we are ignoring specific things that God has clearly convicted us of or spoken against, we need to repent.

Verses 18-19 – Promise of Renewal

            In verse 18, the Lord is symbolically placing His arm around the shoulder of His people and speaks as a father to a child, “Come now, let us reason together.” He then proceeds to spell out His offer of mercy. The Lord tells them plainly that their sins are obvious to Him, “like scarlet… crimson,” (v. 18); but, He admits that they may be wiped away, “white as snow… like wool” (v. 18). However, this would not happen magically or for nothing. Given their place in the covenant and their rightful place with the Lord, they were provided with a reasonable condition—true repentance and obedience.[8] The Lord, in Christ, has offered us the same conditions; but those offered today are much better. Because, not only are we provided the offer that our sins—though they are like scarlet and crimson—will be white as snow and like pure wool; we are also given the promise of the Spirit. The Spirit of God enables us to obey God; however, He goes further than this, as he enables our desire to obey. Praise God!

In verse 19, we are told of the obvious conditions, willingness and obedience; this is, essentially, repentance. However, this is repentance of the heart, versus that of the mouth. God desires that our hearts be moved toward Him, toward holiness, toward righteousness, and toward biblical justice. This form of repentance will warrant divine grace and forgiveness.[9] The Lord does not simply forget our sins, He graciously blots them out of existence. This is what is meant by, “as far as the East is from the West” (Ps. 103:12). Obedience is deeper than outward expression; it is related to the seat of the will—the heart—obedience begins there. Hence, the Lord has coupled willingness with obedience; obedience and spirituality cannot be coerced.

Verse 20 – The Ultimatum

            Isaiah concludes with a word of judgment if His people failed to act according to wisdom. If they refused His offer of repentance, if they continued in their rebellion (which would, at this point, be heightened due to this delivered oracle) then they would face judgment, “you shall be eaten by the sword” (v. 20b). This sword would likely take the form of a foreign power, perhaps Assyria or Babylon. This judgment, like those who fail to repent, today, wasn’t a settled affair. The Lord offered to the rebellious a way out of judgment, and He does so today, as well. However, it is likely that Isaiah did not anticipate that the people of his day would repent.[10] In the sixth chapter, we are given this indication. However, what shall we say about this present generation? What shall we say about ourselves—will we be like Isaiah or the Judahites? We can know that this word is sure, because, “for the mouth of the Lord has spoken” (v. 20c).

Conclusion

            In Isaiah 1:10-20, we read that God is formally accusing His covenant people of neglecting holiness, biblical justice, and accepting the place of sin in their lives. How many of us, today, could God make such an accusation of? However, we also read that God provided them an olive leaf of mercy; He offered to them a chance to repent and be cleansed. Unfortunately, it was also noted that many would not repent and would face the sword of judgment. Today we are faced with the same dilemma. Most, today, will not repent. However, if you hear His voice and feel His conviction over your life and will repent of your sins and place your trust in the Lord Jesus Christ then He will blot out your sins. He will adopt you as a child, and provide eternal life. Judgment is not, yet, settled. How will you be known to God?

 

Bibliography

Dumbrell, William J. “The Purpose of the Book of Isaiah.” Tyndale Bulletin 36:1 (1985): 111-130.

Emadi, Samuel. “Repentance, Eschatology, and Prophetic Hope: Repentance in the Book of Isaiah.” Puritan Reformed Journal 5:2 (July 2013): 24-47.

McComiskey, Douglas S. “Exile and the Purpose of Jesus’ Parables (Mark 4:10-12; Matt. 13:10-17; Luke 8:9-10).” Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 51:1 (Mar 2008): 59-97.

Motyer, J. Alec. The Prophecy of Isaiah: An Introduction and Commentary. Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 2015.

Patterson, Richard D. “The Widow, Orphan, and Poor in the Old Testament and the Extra-Biblical Literature.” Bibliotheca Sacra (July 1973): 223-234.

Webb, Barry G. The Message of Isaiah. Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 1997.

 

Endnotes

               [1] Barry G. Webb, The Message of Isaiah (Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 1997), Kindle electronic edition, location 668.

               [2] Samuel Emadi, “Repentance, Eschatology, and Prophetic Hope: Repentance in the Book of Isaiah.” Puritan Reformed Journal 5:2 (July 2013): 28.

               [3] J. Alec Motyer, The Prophecy of Isaiah: An Introduction and Commentary (Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 2015), Kindle electronic edition, location 1405.

               [4] William J. Dumbrell, “The Purpose of the Book of Isaiah.” Tyndale Bulletin 36:1 (1985): 114.

               [5] Motyer, Ibid., 1414.

               [6] Ibid., 1443.

               [7] Richard D. Patterson, “The Widow, Orphan, and Poor in the Old Testament and the Extra-Biblical Literature.” Bibliotheca Sacra (July 1973): 234.

               [8] Douglas S. McComiskey, “Exile and the Purpose of Jesus’ Parables (Mark 4:10-12; Matt. 13:10-17; Luke 8:9-10).” Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 51:1 (Mar 2008): 83-4.

               [9] Webb, Ibid., 685.

               [10] Emadi, Ibid., 45.

Some Theological Themes in Isaiah: Holiness, Judgment, and Hope for Redemption

Introduction

            As a prophet, Isaiah’s purpose was to call God’s people back to the Lord. However, this return was not to take the form of the cultus; there is little evidence to suggest that Israel was deficient in this regard. Instead, this return was to take place within the will, mind, and hearts of the people—both the leaders and the commoners (Isa. 1:10). The Lord was calling out to His chosen people to reaffirm that which was established at the beginning. The Lord had promised to be their God (Ex. 6:7). To this regard, He commissioned their relationship and called them to three purposes: to be the Lord’s treasured possession; to be a nation of priests; and to be a holy people (Ex. 19:3-8). Theologically, God is speaking from the position of this covenant (Mosaic); it is the foundation of the book. To view Isaiah’s message apart from the covenant is to introduce arbitrariness. Therefore, the message of Isaiah is this: God will take a rebellious and adulterous child (Israel) and restore him to holiness through judgment. God’s covenant was an everlasting one, He intended to see it carried out in this people.

Theological Themes in Isaiah

            Throughout Isaiah, the Lord is the primary player on the stage. As a result, a number of theological themes can be found within the text of Isaiah: God’s holiness, the righteousness (or lack thereof) of Israel, judgment, and hope for redemption. In this section, each of these themes will be briefly discussed and defended from the text of Isaiah.

God’s Holiness

            Isaiah’s vision of the Lord (Isaiah 6) gives us an idea of how awesome and holy our God is. In the first verse of Isaiah 6, Isaiah reports that he witnessed a heavenly throne room scene. He saw the Lord and the picture that Isaiah provides for us of the greatness of this God is this, “his robe filled the temple” (Isa. 6:1). However, a better translation would render “robe” as, “hem” or “bottom edge of a robe”; שׁוּל implies the bottom edge of a cloth being worn. The Lord is so great that his throne room is barely large enough to contain the bottom edge of his robe—wow! However, what is also significant about this image is that Isaiah would, most likely, be positioned face-down.[1] One of the obvious implications is that the Lord’s holiness was so great that it rendered Isaiah, the chosen prophet of God, prostrate before Him. Perhaps, this is why Isaiah exclaimed, “Woe is me!” in verse 5, as he clearly recognizes, in the presence of God, just how sinful he is in light of God’s holiness.

Another image of God’s holiness in this scene is presented in the form of flying angels. Flying around this great God, Isaiah witnessed seraphim calling out, “Holy, holy, holy is the Lord of hosts” (Isa. 6:3). Images of seraphim have been described in Egyptian iconography; however, these seraphim used their wings to protect the deity that they are pictured serving.[2] In contrast, the seraphim serving the Lord are described as taking their wings to cover and protect themselves before the glory of God. Such is the power and holiness of the Lord that even the beings specifically created to serve before Him need to guard themselves against His consuming power.

The theme of God’s holiness is directly connected to the proposed message of Isaiah because Israel was called to reflect God’s holiness in the world. This was a part of the relationship that God, through Isaiah, was attempting to call His people back to. They were to be a nation of priests, “as a light for the nations, that (the Lord’s) salvation may reach to the end of the earth [sic]” (Isa. 49:6b).

Israel’s Lack of Holiness

            One of the clearest illustrations of how sinful Israel had become is this, “Ah, sinful nation, a people laden with iniquity, offspring of evildoers, children who deal corruptly! They have forsaken the Lord, they have despised the Holy One of Israel, they are utterly estranged” (Isa. 1:4). This nation of priests, who were to reflect the holiness of God, were being compared to two cities of egregious sin—Sodom and Gomorrah (Isa. 1:10). Instead of calling the world to repent before the Lord and turn to Him, by their spiritual adultery, they were tempting the nations into sin. This was no small matter. So seriously does the Lord take the issue of tempting others to sin against Him that He commands death for it (Deut. 13). During the period of the conquest, this may be one of the reasons that God commanded Joshua to clear the land of the Canaanites.[3]

By now, Israel has only one way out of their predicament. God is calling them to repent and to return to their former relationship, one of mutual holiness. The degree to which God commands them to repent is inextricably linked to the depth of their sin and to the height of God’s holiness.[4] Furthermore, He is calling them to, “seek justice, correct oppression; bring justice to the fatherless, plead the widow’s cause” (Isa. 1:17). This language was designed to remind Israel of the requirements of the covenant (Lev. 19). Again, God was calling Israel back to where they started with the Lord.

Judgment

            Within Old Testament prophecy, judgment is a common theme,. The typical formula present within prophecy is: a.) you’ve sinned; b.) repent; c.) no repentance, then judgment; d.) a hope of restoration. Throughout Isaiah, this theme is ever present, as much of Isaiah’s discussion concerns Israel’s sin, spiritual adultery, and defiled worship. It is because of who they were called to be, and their failure to uphold this calling, that judgment was coming.[5] However, from the text, it seems as if Israel’s covenant position with the Lord, or their attitude concerning it, was a source of their problem. Just as John the Baptist warned those contemporary with his day, it seems that many were counting on the fact that they were a covenant people to be a protection against God’s judgment of sin (Isa. 56-57:13).[6]

God is calling for Israel’s repentance. If they do so, they will avoid the coming judgment. Although Isaiah is communicating this message of repentance to Israel, it seems that he had very little expectation that they will take his words seriously and do so (Isa. 6:11-13). Why was this call made, then? God’s grace is a wondrous thing. He offers the chance to avoid judgment out of His gracious love. However, God’s grace is also one of the sources for His judgment (a judgment that is not final, in the cosmic sense). We will see, in the next section, that it is through judgment that hope is found. Thus, judgment is one of the penalties for covenant abuses, etc.; therefore, it is connected to the central message of Isaiah.

Hope of Redemption

            Within Isaiah, there is a noticeable coupling of the theme of judgment with the theme of hope. Immediately for Israel, however, hope rested in avoiding potential future judgment. As previously mentioned, it seems as if many were hoping that their position as God’s chosen people would help them to avoid judgment. Instead, it was one of the reasons that judgment was necessary. However, if Israel really is God’s chosen people, then God must solve the problem of how to transform a defiled Israel into a holy Israel. A possible answer is found within the commissioning of Isaiah when fire (in the form of coals) was placed to the lips of Isaiah because he had “unclean lips.” The angel who performed this told Isaiah, “your guilt is taken away, and your sin atoned for” (Isa. 6:7b).[7] In other words, perhaps judgment was the source of hope for Israel. God would apply fire to His chosen people, in order to burn off the impurities, leaving a pure substance—a holy nation. Therefore, Isaiah seems to portray this period of repentance as an event in the eschaton.[8] In other words, God planned to use judgment to bring His people back to Him, standing holy, pure, and undefiled in a covenant relationship.

Conclusion

            In this essay, it was contended that the central message of Isaiah was that God would restore a defiled Israel into holy Israel through judgment. Four themes were also identified (God’s holiness; Israel’s lack of holiness; judgment; and hope), defended, and connected to the central message. Israel had been in a covenant relationship with the Holy One of Israel. Through this covenant relationship, they were to reflect God’s holiness into the world. However, they were spiritual adulterers; they had defiled themselves and reflected the values of Sodom and Gomorrah. Therefore, God sent Isaiah to Israel to warn His people to repent and turn back to Him, or else judgment would befall them. It is through this judgment that a hope for a holy Israel is located. It is through judgment that God will ultimately restore Israel and bring them to repentance.

 

Bibliography

Dumbrell, William J. “The Purpose of the Book of Isaiah.” Tyndale Bulletin 36:1 (1985): 111-129.

Emadi, Samuel. “Repentance, Eschatology, and Prophetic Hope: Repentance in the Book of Isaiah.” Puritan Reformed Journal 5:2 (July 2013): 24-45.

Gentry, Peter J. “The Meaning of ‘Holy’ in the Old Testament.” Bibliotheca Sacra 170:680 (Oct-Dec 2013): 400-417.

LaSor, William Sanford, et. al. Old Testament Survey: The Message, Form, and Background of the Old Testament, 2nd ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1996.

Oswalt, John. “Judgment and Hope: The Full-Orbed Gospel.” Trinity Journal 17:2 (1996): 191-202.

—. “The Book of Isaiah: A Short Course on Biblical Theology.” Calvin Theological Journal 39 (2004): 54-71.

Roberts, J. J. M. “Isaiah in Old Testament Theology.” Interpretation 36 (1982): 130-143.

 

Endnotes

               [1] Peter J. Gentry, “The Meaning of ‘Holy’ in the Old Testament.” Bibliotheca Sacra 170:680 (Oct-Dec 2013): 408.

               [2] J. J. M. Roberts, “Isaiah in Old Testament Theology.” Interpretation 36 (1982): 132.

               [3] William Sanford LaSor, et. al., Old Testament Survey: The Message, Form, and Background of the Old Testament, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1996), 124.

               [4] Samuel Emadi, “Repentance, Eschatology, and Prophetic Hope: Repentance in the Book of Isaiah.” Puritan Reformed Journal 5:2 (July 2013): 28.

               [5] William J. Dumbrell, “The Purpose of the Book of Isaiah.” Tyndale Bulletin 36:1 (1985): 128.

               [6] John Oswalt, “Judgment and Hope: The Full-Orbed Gospel.” Trinity Journal 17:2 (1996): 196.

               [7] John Oswalt, “The Book of Isaiah: A Short Course on Biblical Theology.” Calvin Theological Journal 39 (2004): 61.

               [8] Emadi, Ibid., 43.

Isaiah 24-27 — An Interpretive Essay

Isaiah

The Everlasting Covenant (Isaiah 24:5)

“The earth lies defiled under its inhabitants; for they have transgressed the laws, violated the statutes, broken the everlasting covenant.”

            The twenty-fourth chapter of Isaiah opens with a detailing of a future judgment. Verse two employs a set of contrasts (high social status versus low social status) to display that no one, regardless of their social or religious position, will be held exempt, based upon external standards.[1] The basis of this judgment is that “they have transgressed the laws, violated the statutes, broken the everlasting covenant” (Isa. 24:5).[2] Throughout the Old Testament, man has been witness to a variety of destructive judgments, the basis for them is often that man has violated at least one of the covenants that God has established between Himself and man.[3]

Within the Old Testament, there are five major covenants that are either established or prophesied (New Covenant; Jer. 31). Of these, there are only three that may be the topic of Isaiah 24—Noahic (Gen. 9), Abrahamic (Gen. 12), or the Mosaic (Ex. 19). While the Mosaic covenant was delivered with the language of interlocution of blessing for obedience and curses for disobedience (which matches well with judgment language here in Isaiah)[4], this covenant is not likely to be in the author’s mind, here. The Mosaic covenant was primarily made between God and the people of the Exodus[5], however, Isaiah has the entire world in mind in Isaiah 24. While the Abrahamic covenant does find relation with all peoples, in that the people descended from Abraham would be a blessing to the nations, this covenant was not delivered with stipulations for Abraham, or his descents, that were to be followed. Furthermore, the Noahic covenant was also devoid of stipulations.[6] Abraham and Noah both received unconditional promises from the Lord that He would be with Abraham and that He would not, for a second time, destroy the earth by flood. Thus, Isaiah must be referring to something that is even more basic than this.

Perhaps, this “everlasting covenant” finds its origin from the very beginning of creation, when the Lord decided to create an image bearer for Himself (Gen. 1:26-27). In this act, God created a being that was separate, distinct, and more highly prized than all of His other creative acts. In other words, creation, itself, serves as a type of covenant between God and all of humanity that He is the source and sustainer of human life.[7] Since man serves as the image bearer of the Creator, this carries with it stipulations. One of these stipulations was laid out specifically in the Lord’s directions for Noah’s extended family that served as the biological origin of humanity, within the postdiluvian age. “And for your lifeblood I will require a reckoning: from every beast I will require it and from man…(sic) Whoever sheds the blood of man, by man shall his blood be shed, for God made man in his own image” (Gen. 9:5a-6). In short, this was a command to recognize a certain level of morality. However, most do not need to read this verse to recognize the existence of this most basic covenant, as we know that murder and the abuse of our fellow man is wrong—we come prepackaged with this morality.

This was something that God, apparently, expected of humanity from the very beginning, as well. Genesis 6 clues us in that the basis for God’s judgment of the whole earth, via the Flood, was that “The Lord saw that the wickedness of man was great in the earth and that every intention of the thoughts of his heart was only evil continually” (Gen. 6:5). Noah was spared because he was unlike them, he “walked with God” (Gen. 6:9); in other words, his heart was not filled with violence. Genesis 9:5-6 teaches us that this stipulation is expected of all men, at all times, even today. Furthermore, this apocalyptic judgment of Isaiah 24-27 is one that will take place sometime in the future, likely during the eschaton. Thus, the Lord will judge many because they violated this everlasting covenant, just like the antediluvian generations had and were judged for it. This seems to be what Isaiah is alluding to with, “For behold, the Lord is coming out from his place to punish the inhabitants of the earth for their iniquity, and the earth will disclose the blood shed on it, and will no more cover its slain” (Isa. 26:21).

A Tale of Two Cities (Isaiah 25:2 & 26:1)

“For you have made the city a heap, the fortified city a ruin; the foreigners’ palace is a city no more; it will never be rebuilt.”

“In that day this song will be sung in the land of Judah: ‘We have a strong city; he sets up salvation as walls and bulwarks.'”

Within these verses, Isaiah sets up a contrast between a fortified city (which will be viewed as representing the enemies of God, at all times) and a strong city (which will be viewed as pointing to the New Zion of the eschaton). The former city will be judged, “on that day,” while the latter city will be preserved and will take part in the eschatological renewal of God’s people.

The Fortified City

The twenty-fifth chapter continues the discussion of judgment, that was begun in Isaiah 24. It begins with a song of praise to the Lord, for He is about to act against “the fortified city”. Verse two reads, “For you have made the city a heap, the fortified city a ruin; the foreigners’ palace is a city no more; it will never be rebuilt” (Isa. 25:2). This city is also mentioned much later, “For the fortified city is solitary, a habitation deserted and forsaken, like the wilderness… (sic) For this is a people without discernment; therefore, he who made them will not have compassion on them; he who formed them will show them no favor” (Isa. 27:10a, 11b).

The city in the previous scripture passage is likely to be representative of the part of the world that is living in opposition to God.[8] Evidence for this can be found in the concluding verses in the previous chapter. Verses 21c-22 relates how, “the kings of the earth,” will be gathered into one group and punished. This refers to the heads of the various governments and kingdoms that have been and will be opposed to the Lord. In the next verse, Isaiah speaks of how the Lord will shame the moon and sun. What Isaiah is most likely referring to is not the actual celestial bodies, but how man has used them as objects of worship and reverence. What Isaiah is describing is that the people that are being judged, will look to their false-objects of worship, but they will not be able to provide hope, help, or answers. They will be confounded and put to shame. This conferral of shame relates to a loss of honor, hence a loss of value within the group that reveres them.

In stark contrast to what the Lord will do to the false systems of worship, “the Lord of hosts reigns on Mount Zion and in Jerusalem, and his glory will be before his elders” (Isa. 24:23b). What Isaiah is telling his audience is that, while false-idols are being shamed, the Lord, the true object of all worship, will see to it that His honor is magnified. The Lord will not be put to shame. The opening verse of the twenty-fifth chapter begins a song of praise to God for what he is doing to false-systems of worship. This praise serves as a bridge between his judgment of opposing kings (24:21-22), the shaming of false worship (24:23), and the ruining of “the fortified city” (25:2). It is quite likely that this first city is linked to Moab, “…and Moab shall be trampled down in a dunghill” (Isa. 25:10b). It could be that Moab and the first city are synonymous in that they are both representative of the enemies of God and His people.[9] Evidence for this linking is found within verse 12, “And the high fortifications of his walls he will bring down” (Isa. 25:12a). In essence, these people were depending upon their own might, will, and abilities to protect them. They are a self-honoring people, who constantly attempt to put the Lord to shame (deliberately, or otherwise). However, in His judgment, the Lord displays His power and might over them. The Lord’s honor is preserved and His judgments are justified.

The Strong City

This city is inhabited by those who have patiently waited upon the Lord to vindicate Himself and His people (Isa. 26:8). We know that these people belong to God because of its walls, “he sets up salvation” (Isa. 26:1), those who are allowed to enter it have kept “faith” (Isa. 26:2), and they have placed their trust in the Lord “forever” (Isa. 26:3-4). In other words, all within this city shall be saved “on that day” of God’s eschatological judgment. This city, then, is representative of the New Zion, the New Jerusalem, that God will reveal on the last day.[10] Throughout the bulk of the twenty-sixth chapter, we encounter verse after verse, in which the inhabitants of the strong city are praising the Lord for his judgments, or extolling how they patiently waited in trust for His apocalypse and their deliverance, therein.

Leviathan (Isaiah 27:1)

“In that day the LORD with his hard and great and strong sword will punish Leviathan the fleeing serpent, Leviathan the twisting serpent, and he will slay the dragon that is in the sea.”

The modern interpreter of the Old Testament must not make the mistake of assuming that God’s chosen people fully understood the world and the cosmos. In general, they knew only what was revealed to them. Therefore, it should not be surprising that God would have spoken to His people using language, pictures, and terminology that was within their scope of understanding. His primary concern was in communicating who He was and how they were to live in relationship to Him. It will be pointed out that God’s people shared the language and understanding of many mythic tales of the Ancient Near East (ANE) peoples. It must be remembered that God put together a nation for Himself from a group of former slaves to the Egyptians. After spending over four-hundred-and-fifty years in captivity in Egypt, it is not a great leap to assume that the various theologies and stories, therein, would have influenced them.[11]

Ancient Near East (ANE) Myth

In the ANE, mythic language served a very important function. For these people, it was the tool in which their worldviews were communicated and transferred to each generation. It was the way that they attempted to explain who they were, where they came from, and the beginnings of things. For these people, the mechanisms of the natural world were easily explained by the actions of specific gods who inhabited and acted in a specific area—hills, mountain, caves, rivers, oceans, etc.[12] Thus, when sailors were transporting cargo across the Mediterranean, any adverse meteorological condition was easily explained by attributing it to an angry and malevolent god.

While it is not likely that the ancient Israelites recognized and accepted these explanations, it is possible-to-likely that they influenced their thinking. Longman contends that the Lord took advantage of this aspect of their thinking by defending His honor and position in the cosmos by presenting himself in stark contrast to Egyptian and Mesopotamian ideas of creation in the first three chapters of Genesis.[13] When one compares the creation account in Genesis to that of creation myths of the ANE, a number of conceptual comparisons become apparent—i.e. chaotic beginnings, primal conditions, the sea, and sea creatures.[14]

Chaos and Day Five of Creation (Genesis 1:20-23)

Within the fifth day of Creation, a sentence of note is, “So God created the great sea creatures and every living creature that moves, with which the waters swarm” (Gen. 1:21a). In the world of the twenty-first century, “great sea creatures,” seems to obviously point to organisms, such as great white sharks, whale sharks, blue whales, etc. However, the Hebrew word that was used here (tanninim) did not communicate this meaning within the world of the ancient Israelite. Instead, its usage was often employed to discuss the sea monsters that were associated with chaos.[15]

In the mythos of Canaanite and Ugaritic literature, tannin was also used to describe a chaos monster.[16] Furthermore, there were several specific designations for classes of chaos monsters within these traditions. Tannin could refer to Yamm, a monster of the chaotic sea; Lotan was also another of these monsters of the sea. In Ugaritic literature, the chaotic sea and the rivers have secondary names, one of them is, “Dragon.”[17] Alike the ANE mythic accounts, chaos is associated with the sea in Creation, “without form and void, and darkness was over the face of the deep” (Gen. 1:2). Furthermore, secondary names for chaos monsters can also be found in Old Testament scriptures.

Chaos and the Chaos Monsters of Job

In Job, there are a few references to chaos and associated chaos monsters. In chapter 3, in his distress, Job cries out, “Let those curse it who curse the day, who are ready to rouse up Leviathan” (Job 3:8). In chapter 26:7-14, there are several references to chaos elements: “the void” (v. 7), “the waters” (v. 8, 10), “the sea” and “Rahab” (v. 12), and “the fleeing serpent” (v. 13).   In Job 40, the Lord states, “Behold, Behemoth, which I made” (Job 40:15). In these passages, the Lord and Job are describing acts of creation performed by God. In doing so, we have revealed to us chaos monsters (Behemoth, Leviathan, Serpent, and Rahab) and elements of chaos (sea, the waters, void) that were present during Creation. “Rahab” is often synonymous with “Ancient Serpent.”[18] Furthermore these names, as well as the chaos elements are mentioned in Job for the sake of amplifying the power of God in either subduing them or defeating them. Also, within the tradition of ancient Israel, chaos and chaos elements weren’t used as metaphors to represent evil; they were recognized as real evil, actual things that were old enemies of the Creator as well as his image bearers.[19]

Isaiah 27: Putting it all Together

The opening verse of this chapter seems to come straight out of Day Five of Creation, the Book of Job, and John’s Apocalypse, “In that day the Lord with his hard and great and strong sword will punish Leviathan the fleeing serpent, Leviathan the twisting serpent, and he will slay the dragon that is in the sea” (Isa. 27:1). In Job, “Rahab” is synonymous with the “Ancient Serpent,” while in Isaiah, “Rahab” is synonymous with the “Dragon” (Isa. 51). In Isaiah 27, “Leviathan” is equated to the “Ancient Serpent”. Furthermore, Isaiah (30:7 and 51:9) points out that “Rahab” is an old enemy of God; one that has been attached to Egypt, Pharaoh, and Babylon.[20]

What does all this point to? Perhaps the New Testament will provide more clarity.

In Revelation 12:9 and 20:9, the Dragon and the Ancient Serpent both personify that great and ancient enemy of God and his people—Satan.[21] If this is the case, this raises an interesting question about when Satan rebelled and was cast out of heaven.

Traditional stories within Christianity often make it seem that Satan rebelled after Creation had occurred and merely showed up in the Garden as the serpent to tempt Adam into sin. Genesis pictures Creation as God creating order in the midst of chaos; essentially, subduing or defeating chaos. However, if chaos, elements of chaos, and chaos monsters are all known as ancient enemies of God, and if these personifications can be linked to Satan, this could mean that Creation was part of God’s battle with Satan.

Isaiah 27 speaks of God finally defeating Leviathan, who is also identified with the Ancient Serpent, in the eschaton. Getting to the point, all of the enemies of God will be finally and completely dealt with all at once in the events portrayed by Isaiah.

 

Bibliography

Day, John N. “God and Leviathan in Isaiah 27:1,” Bibliotheca Sacra 155 (Oct-Dec 1996): 423-36.

Frame, John M. The Doctrine of God: A Theology of Lordship. Phillipsburg, NJ: P&R Publishing, 2002.

LaSor, William Sanford, Hubbard, David Allan, and Bush, Frederic William. Old Testament Survey: The Message, Form, and Background of the Old Testament, 2nd ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1996.

Longman III, Tremper. How to Read Genesis. Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 2005.

Matthews, Kenneth A. The New American Commentary: Genesis 1-11:26. Nashville, TN: B&H Publishing Group, 1996.

Sandy, D. Brent. Plowshares & Pruning Hooks: Rethinking the Language of Biblical Prophecy and Apocalyptic. Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 2002.

Walton, John H. The NIV Application Commentary: Genesis. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2001.

Webb, Barry G. The Message of Isaiah. Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 1997.

 

Endnotes

               [1] Barry G. Webb, The Message of Isaiah (Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 1997), Kindle electronic edition, location 1987.

               [2] Unless otherwise indicated, Scripture quotations are from the Holy Bible: English Standard Version (ESV), Wheaton, IL: Crossway Bibles, 2007.

               [3] D. Brent Sandy, Plowshares & Pruning Hooks: Rethinking the Language of Biblical Prophecy and Apocalyptic (Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 2002), 89-91.

               [4] Ibid., 82-8.

               [5] William Sanford LaSor, David Allan Hubbard, and Frederic William Bush, Old Testament Survey: The Message, Form, and Background of the Old Testament, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1996), 72-5.

               [6] Kenneth A. Matthews, The New American Commentary: Genesis 1-11:26 (Nashville, TN: B&H Publishing Group, 1996), 62.

               [7] John M. Frame, The Doctrine of God: A Theology of Lordship (Phillipsburg, NJ: P&R Publishing, 2002), 102.

               [8] Webb, Ibid., loc. 2033.

               [9] Ibid., loc. 2052.

               [10] Webb, Ibid., loc. 2069.

               [11] John N. Day, “God and Leviathan in Isaiah 27:1,” Bibliotheca Sacra 155 (Oct-Dec 1996): 426.

               [12] John H. Walton, The NIV Application Commentary: Genesis (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2001), 27.

               [13] Tremper Longman III, How to Read Genesis (Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 2005), 72-80.

               [14] Walton, Ibid., 29-31.

               [15] Walton, Ibid., 127.

               [16] Matthews, Ibid., 156.

               [17] Day, Ibid.:427-9.

               [18] Day, Ibid.: 431.

               [19] Matthews, Ibid., 132-3.

               [20] Day.

               [21] Ibid.: 432.

Isaiah 7:14 — An Interpretive Essay

Almah parthenos

Introduction

            This essay will discuss the identity and significance of the “virgin” (עַלמָה ‘almah, in Hebrew), as well as the child for whom the ‘almah will bear. It will be contended that identity of ‘almah and the child, known as “Immanuel,” in Isaiah 7:14, are actually contrary to the prevalent view within the church, today. After a plain reading of an English version of Isaiah 7, many Christians would quickly deduce that “Immanuel” must refer to Jesus, while “the virgin” must refer to Mary, the mother of Jesus. This is most likely due to Matthew’s usage of Isaiah 7:14 in Matthew 1:23. However, it will be the position of this essay that, according to the context of Isaiah 7, ‘almah refers to a sexual partner of Ahaz and “Immanuel” refers to a child born to that woman, via a sexual encounter with Ahaz. It will also be contended that the significance of the child’s name is that it serves as the actual sign of God’s protection. As far as Matthew 1:23 is concerned, all hope of attaching Isaiah 7:14 to Jesus is not lost. It will also be argued that Matthew handles Isaiah 7:14 in a typological fashion.

Context of Isaiah 7

            The actual timeframe is provided to us in the first section of Isaiah 7: Ahaz is the king of Judah; Syria and Israel have formed an alliance and are attacking Jerusalem. These events are believed to have taken place during the Syro-Ephraimite war (733 B.C.), in which Syria, under Rezin, and Israel, led by Pekah, were attempting to take advantage of a, perceived to be, weak Assyria. It is believed that Pekah and Rezin attempted to coax Ahaz to join forces with them. When this failed, they decided to overthrow Ahaz and place a puppet ruler on the throne in Jerusalem.[1] This news, according to the text, caused “the heart of Ahaz… [to shake] as the trees of the forest shake before the wind” (Isa. 7:2b). It was in response to this that the Lord sent His prophet, Isaiah, as well as Isaiah’s son, Shear-jashub, to meet with Ahaz (7:3). It was during this meeting that God, as the consistent keeper of His covenants, promised to be with Ahaz (7:7-9). As a form of a down-payment on that promise, Ahaz was told to ask the Lord for a sign (7:10-11).

Isaiah’s son is significant to this meeting because of his name. One of the two possible ways to understand the meaning of Shear-jashub is, “a remnant shall repent.”[2] Therefore, Ahaz as the bearer of the Davidic Covenant, was being challenged by God to repent and turn to God. Ahaz had was faced with three choices: 1.) he could join with the Syrian-Israel coalition; 2.) he could fight against the Syrian-Israel coalition; 3.) he could put his trust in the Lord. There is nothing in the immediate text that suggests that he joined with or actively fought against the coalition. However, this does not mean that Ahaz put his trust in the Lord. In Isaiah 7:12, Ahaz’s response to the promise of a sign was, “I will not ask, and I will not put the Lord to the test.” While this may sound like a statement of humility from someone who already trusts in the Lord; in reality, it was a statement of faithlessness.[3] In response to Ahaz’s faithlessness, God, through Isaiah, stated, “Therefore the Lord himself will give you a sign. Behold, the virgin (‘almah) shall conceive and bear a son and shall call his name Immanuel” (7:14). 

Interpreting ‘Almah (עַלמָה) from Isaiah 7:14

            Lexical studies reveal that ‘almah refers to a young woman of reproductive age; this woman may or may not be married. ‘Almah could be used to refer to a female virgin, but this is not required. The Septuagint (LXX; original Greek translation of the Old Testament) uses parthenos* in its place; which refers to an unmarried virgin.[4] Matthew (1:23) seems to offer little help, as he seems to use Isaiah 7:14 as a predictive prophecy finding its fulfillment in the Virgin Mary (parthenos) and Jesus (Immanuel). For Christians who tend to read Isaiah 7:14 from the perspective of Matthew 1:23, the ‘almah of the Hebrew text and the parthenos of the LXX must be a virgin. Any other view, regardless of how faithful may be to the context of Isaiah 7:14, seems to, at a minimum, chip-away at Matthew’s handling of the Old Testament.

‘Almah as a Sexual Partner of Ahaz  

            Under this interpretation, ‘almah, in Isaiah 7, cannot be referring to a virginal female. ‘Almah has at least two masculine forms that have been used in the Old Testament and in neither case is the issue of sexual status an interpretive consideration. Furthermore, it is employed in Isaiah 54:4 to refer to a barren and abandoned wife. Also, the noun root of ‘almah, ‘lm (pronounced, alm), refers to someone in the age of adolescence; in other words, a young person, probably unmarried.[5]

As previously mentioned, the LXX utilizes a word (parthenos, “virgin”) with an apparent divergent meaning of ‘almah (“young female of reproductive age”). But, which word is the most consistent with the context of Isaiah 7? Based on the Hebrew lexicon, it is most likely that ‘almah lends the preferred meaning, as it originates from older material versus the LXX. It is possible that the interpreters of the LXX employed parthenos due to their own exegetical (interpretational) tendencies.[6] Also, it must be remembered that the woman in Isaiah 54:4 was most likely not a virgin, as she was known to be barren (the only way to know this is for multiple acts of intercourse not to have resulted in the conception of a child). Furthermore, the LXX fails to use parthenos to describe this woman, while the Hebrew text does use ‘almah. Therefore, the view presented in the LXX is weak, at best.

Within this view, the ‘almah cannot be referring to the prophetess in Isaiah 8. Evidence for this view is locked within the grammatical context of Isaiah 7. Due to the presence of verbless Hebrew clauses, the event being described in Isaiah 7 is one that is currently occurring.[7] In other words, the ‘almah is currently pregnant and will bear a son. However, the prophetess does not become pregnant until the next chapter. Therefore, since Isaiah is directing this sign toward Ahaz, and the context eliminates Isaiah’s wife as being the ‘almah, this woman is likely someone with whom Ahaz has recently been in a sexual relationship with and this sign is confirming that she is indeed with child.[8]

‘Almah as a Bride in a Marriage Ceremony

            One view sees the ‘almah pronouncement of Isaiah 7:14 as a type of marriage announcement between Isaiah and the prophetess of Isaiah 8:3. It treats ‘almah as referring to an unmarried virgin and believes its usage in Genesis 24:43, to describe Rebekah just prior to marrying Isaac, justifies this position. This interpretation looks ahead to the events described in Isaiah 8:1-4 as the actual ceremony, as well as, a marital contract being made, post-ceremony. If this is the case, the usage of the “reliable witness, Uriah the priest and Zechariah the son of Jeberechiah, to attest” (Isa. 8:2) strengthens this view. If this Uriah the priest as a witness between the union of Isaiah the prophet and a prophetess would be most appropriate.[9] An apparent weakness of this interpretation, however, is that Isaiah seems to direct the sign toward Ahaz. Therefore, one should ask if it would have been more appropriate for the sign to be directly involved with Ahaz, in some way. Furthermore, based upon the discussion within the previous interpretation, this view should be rejected. 

The Sign of Immanuel

            As previously noted, this sign would serve as a type of down-payment of the promise of God to be consistent with His side of the Covenant that He made with His people. He would be their God if they would be His people. However, during this time, the bearer of the Davidic Covenant, Ahaz, was not known to be faithful to his end of the Covenant that placed his family on the throne.[10] Therefore, this sign may also have served as a type of judgment against Ahaz. Since he was given the opportunity to turn to God, which may have been signified by a request for a sign from God, and, since Ahaz seemingly has failed to place his trust in the Lord, God initiated a sign that may have had a double meaning.

The first meaning is obvious, God will protect Judah against the Syria-Israel coalition. The second meaning may be related to a few themes: suffering of the nation, as symbolized in the pains of labor; the birth of a faithful remnant, as symbolized by the birth of the child; the absence of Ahaz within this remnant (likely, a future remnant), as his lack of faith and trust in the Lord displayed.[11]

The identity of the child to be named Immanuel is not known. From this, we may assume that their exact identity lacks significance. What is significant is that he is known to Ahaz, for if not, the sign loses its meaning; and that when he is born, he is named Immanuel.[12] Therefore, it is the name of the child that is central to the meaning of the sign. Within the Old Testament, there is a pattern to the name of a child serving as a sign to the nation. One such example is found in the children of the prophet Hosea. Each of his three children were assigned a name that served as a sign of God’s attitude toward His people during that time: Jezreel (refers to, judgment and future restoration), Lo’-ruhama (“not-pitied,”), and Lo’-‘ammi (“not-my-people”).[13] Therefore, the sign of the Immanuel, serves to judge Ahaz and the faithless of the nation, and it serves as a sign of hope for the faithful[14]—i.e. God will honor His Covenant with His people who are faithful.

Matthew’s Usage of Isaiah 7:14 (Matt. 1:23)

            The primary issue that must be addressed in this section relates to the type of fulfillment that is viewed by the Apostle in Isaiah 7:14. If, as is the typical view in the church, Matthew intended a predictive fulfillment of Isaiah 7:14 then we must assume that either Matthew was mistaken, or that the obvious context of Isaiah 7 is not so obvious. Considering the entirety of the above discussion of Isaiah 7, it is not likely the Matthew had predictive fulfillment in mind. Instead, Matthew was either viewing Isaiah 7:14 typologically, to fit the pattern of Jesus, or he may have been employing a form of Hebraic interpretation that attached an appropriate meaning to an already given name.

Matthew, in agreeance with the LXX, uses parthenos in his reference to Isaiah 7:14. However, this should come as no surprise, since it is quite likely that Matthew, along with most of the Apostles, would have used the LXX during his ministry.[15] However, even if the translators of the LXX got their word choice of parthenos right and the ‘almah was a virgin, this still does not significantly alter the overall context of Isaiah 7 to the point that it does not directly and primarily speak to Ahaz and Isaiah’s time. Therefore, this discontinuity tends to lend credence to the typological fulfillment view. In short, Matthew must have seen a particular pattern to the Immanuel sign that correlated well to a specific event in the life of Jesus.[16] Specifically, that Jesus would be conceived and born by an actual virgin (parthenos) who was young and within reproductive age (‘almah). More important than this, however, Jesus would actually be the Immanuel, “God with us,” as he is God’s Son veiled in human flesh.

Conclusion

            It has been argued that the most appropriate way of viewing the ‘almah, of Isaiah 7:14, is: one who is a young woman within reproductive age; this woman was likely a sexual partner of Ahaz who would be confirmed to be pregnant in the given sign of Immanuel; and, Isaiah 7:14 is not within the realm of predictive prophecy. Isaiah 7:14 should be viewed as: addressed primarily to Ahaz; a sign both of God’s faithfulness to His Covenant; and, as a sign of judgment upon Ahaz for his lack of faithfulness to God. Matthew employed Isaiah 7:14 text typologically, as being fulfilled in Jesus Christ’s birth and by his true identity as God’s Son.

(*The full Greek alphabet would not copy over onto WordPress; thus, parthenos only occurs in its Romanized form.)

Bibliography

Hamilton, Jr., James M. “The Virgin Will Conceive: Typological Fulfillment of Matthew 1:18-23,” in Built upon the rock: Studies in the Gospel of Matthew, ed. John Nolland and Dan Gurtner. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2008.

Lasor, William S, Hubbard, David A., and Bush, Frederic W. Old Testament Survey: The Message, Form, and Background of the Old Testament, 2nd ed. Grand Rapids, MI:   Eerdmans, 1996.

Mickelson, Johnathan K. Mickelson’s Enhanced Strong’s Dictionaries of the Greek and Hebrew Testaments: English Dictionaries of the Textus Receptus, the 1550 Stephanus, and 1525 Ben Chayyim, 2nd ed. LivingSon Press, 2015, theWord Bible Software.

Osborne, Grant R. Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament: Matthew. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2010.

Walton, John H. “Isa 7:14: What’s in a Name?,” in Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 30:3 (September 1987): 289-306.

Webb, Barry G. The Message of Isaiah. Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 1997.

Wolf, Herbert M. “A Solution to the Immanuel Prophecy in Isaiah 7:14-8:22,” in Journal of Biblical Literature 91 (December 1972): 449-456.

Endnotes

               [1] William S. Lasor, David A. Hubbard, and Frederic W. Bush, Old Testament Survey: The Message, Form, and Background of the Old Testament, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1996), 280.

               [2] Barry G. Webb, The Message of Isaiah (Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 1997), Kindle electronic edition, location 1079.

               [3] James M. Hamilton, Jr., “The Virgin Will Conceive: Typological Fulfillment of Matthew 1:18-23,” in Built upon the rock: Studies in the Gospel of Matthew, ed. John Nolland and Dan Gurtner (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2008), 235.

[4] Johnathan K. Mickelson, Mickelson’s Enhanced Strong’s Dictionaries of the Greek and Hebrew Testaments: English Dictionaries of the Textus Receptus, the 1550 Stephanus, and 1525 Ben Chayyim, 2nd ed. (LivingSon Press, 2015), theWord Bible Software.

               [5] John H. Walton, “Isa 7:14: What’s in a Name?,” in Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 30:3 (September 1987): 292.

               [6] Ibid., 293.

               [7] Ibid., 290.

               [8] Ibid., 296.

               [9] Herbert M. Wolf, “A Solution to the Immanuel Prophecy in Isaiah 7:14-8:22,” in Journal of Biblical Literature 91 (December 1972): 450-3.

               [10] Lasor, et. al., 294.

               [11] Webb, location 1087.

               [12] Walton, 295-6.

               [13] Lasor, et. al., 261.

               [14] Walton.

               [15] Grant Osborne, Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament: Matthew (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2010), 78-9.

               [16] Hamilton, 242.

George Whitefield, “The Grand Itinerant”: A Brief History of His Time and Themes from Select Sermons

Introduction

            This essay will examine some sermonic themes found within a selection of two of Whitefield’s sermons. For contextual purposes, a discussion of the spiritual and moral condition of England, as well as the American Colonies, will be included. Furthermore, a brief discussion of Whitefield’s legacy, including why he has been regarded as a success throughout America as an itinerant evangelist, will occur.

Spiritual and Moral Scene of England and Its American Colonies of the Eighteenth Century

             In determining the worthiness of Whitefield’s contributions in his time and in the people that he affected, Ryle offers this advice, “Do not judge what was a right course of action in other times, by what seems a right course of action in your own.”[1] Therefore, understanding the general spiritual and moral attitude, within the eighteenth century, England and America becomes an important feature in determining much of the context, locked within the themes, of Whitefield’s sermons and letters. However, being that it was the conditions within England that helped to motivate Whitefield to enter into evangelist preaching as an itinerant, it makes sense that the majority of this section reflects England.

It has been pointed out that many, of those who occupied the upper echelon of British society, behaved, generally and openly, in ways that were contrary to the “law of God”. Commenting on this same sub-group within English society, Haykin informs us that one of King George I’s (ruled: 1714-27) primary interests was chasing after women. George I, however was a married man; but, he didn’t let this stop him in his fleshly pursuits, as he divorced his wife during the thirty-fourth year of his life, in order accommodate a procession of lovers. One of George I’s prime ministers, Robert Walpole (1722-42), also a married man, maintained living quarters with a Ms. Maria Skerrett, until the death of his wife; at which time, he married her.[2] These leading men, as well as others within England, set the accepted moral tone within this country. It is, without doubt, that their lifestyle, did, indeed, influence many within lower socio-economic statuses. Commenting on the common citizenry, Haykin points out that the society within England, during this period, was widespread with immoral and unbiblical practices, such as: “homosexuality, profanity, sexual immorality, drunkenness and gluttony.”[3] Furthermore, there were those who championed a life of adultery and carousing. The abuse of children and women was, unfortunately, a not-to-uncommon issue. In fairness, though, living contrary to the “law of God” could have meant acts that, today, many within Christianity would consider light entertainment—playing cards, going to or acting in the theatre. Whitefield, himself, while still a young man in Gloucester, entertained thoughts of becoming involved in theatre. This was a time in the theatre, however, in which it was not uncommon for men to play female roles, and vice-a-versa. Kidd comments that it was the “frivolity, gender-bending casts, and profane content” that convicted Whitefield, post-conversion, to abstain from it.[4]

Due to the transformation of the English economy, via the Industrial Revolution, the population of London grew, exponentially, during this period. Housing, as well as housing prices, could not meet the demand. In order to internally escape the conditions which permeated their lives, many within England turned to strong drink. It would not have been uncommon to witness many, during this time period, within England partaking of a daily mug of beer. However, just prior to the eighteenth century, English society was introduced to a new type of alcoholic beverage: gin. During this time, the production of strong alcoholic formulations was not as precise and routine as it is today. Instead, the process was quite crude and lacked any universal procedures that would have helped to ensure a consistent product with a high degree of relative safety. Haykin points out that gin consumption was so high and widespread in London, that one area, which held, approximately, two-thousand buildings, was made-up of five-hundred-and-six “gin shops”.[5]

Ryle attaches this statement to the previous observation, “without rebuke”.[6] With these two words, he is giving us a glimpse of the spiritual condition of the established Church in England, as well as it’s ordained clergy, during this period. Ryle, however, was somewhat complimentary of many of the Anglican bishops, in terms of their intellectual contributions. As, many of the doctrinally sound Anglican bishops were, first and foremost, apologists against Islam. However, while many were fervent in attacking one form of evil, primarily located in distant lands, they gave little attention to the obvious and rampant evils in their own communities. Apart from this, the established Church in England was very much asleep at the wheel. Preaching was moralistic and, generally, devoid of the spiritual element of Christianity. The overarching attitude, with regard to rightness before God, seemed to be one that equivocated church membership, attendance, and the celebration of communion with salvation. In short, in the mind of the common Englishman, one was saved by membership and affiliation within the right ecclesiastical form of Christianity (i.e. Anglicanism).[7]

However, the English Presbytery, as well as, the Dissenters were also becoming known for being, or moving toward, spiritual emptiness and, in the case of some Presbyterian congregations, even Christological heresy. The Dissenters, who were founded to “advance the Reformation, both as to the forms of worship and the discipline of the church, to a purer [more biblical, sic] standard”[8] were displaying what often occurs to groups who move from periods of persecution to periods of tolerance. In short, the intolerant position of the Puritan-Dissenters, prior to the reign of William and Mary and the passage of toleration acts within the colonies, seems to have been a spiritually purifying element on this group. In the case of the British Presbyterians, many were being influenced by, or wholly committed to, Socinianism.[9]

Not everyone within leadership of local ecclesiastical bodies were in error, heresy, or spiritually dead. This was the day of Samuel Sewall, Jonathan Edwards, William Cooper, and Isaac Chandler who would all play a role in local revivals, either during or just prior to the Great Awakening throughout the British Colonies in America. However, many churches throughout New England were also experiencing a decline in membership and attendance.[10] Furthermore, there were a number of evangelicals within the British religious landscape. However, they were generally isolated by many of their ecclesiastical superiors; being labeled as “enthusiastic and fanatic”.[11] Observing the attitudes of the British people during this period tends to give the impression that to be publicly enthusiastic or fanatic about anything, other than the gospel, was highly tolerable.

Some Essential Themes in a Selection of Whitefield’s Sermons

            Two of Whitefield’s sermons (“The Burning Bush” and “Repentance and Conversion”) will be analyzed, highlighting the prominent themes, therein, in this section of the essay. While the location of their first preaching has not been uncovered, it is likely that they would have been known to, both, the people of America and England. It is well known that Whitefield’s influence, prior to and during the Great Awakening, as well as eighteenth century English revivals, was widened and strengthened not by preaching, alone, but through his usage of local and regional newspapers and printers to print, publish, and disseminate his sermons.[12] Therefore, whether or not these sermons were preached in America or England, their message would have been communicated to the transatlantic audience in both areas.

“The Burning Bush” (Exodus 3:2-3)

            The first major theme that Whitefield discusses involves the composition of the Body of Christ. This sermon, like many of his, is not partial to ecclesiastical lines, insofar as who belongs is concerned. Evidence for this is found in how he describes the Church, “the church of Christ”. With this description, Whitefield speaks to his listeners hoping to convey this view: anyone who truly belongs to the Church only belongs because they are, first and foremost, “of Christ”.[13] Continuing with this theme, Whitefield goes on to describe what he believes that the Church should be like:

“…this [burning] bush…is typical of the church of God in all ages;”[14]

Furthermore, he makes the point that the spectacle viewed by Moses (Ex. 3) was not something grand, like a tall tree; instead, God spoke through something lowly and plain. Also, he observes that the historical Church, when it has been healthy, was often, but not universally, composed of those for whom contemporary society cast a downturned eye to. In other words, Whitefield is critiquing the common habit of churches to put forth an overly self-glorious image. The church, per Whitefield, is to be inglorious on the outside, “poor, mean, despicable creatures,”[15] while on the inside quite glorious. Was he reporting a common observation to his hearers? Hardly, as he quoted Milton’s observation of the Church to explain how the love of worldly things is a corruptible influence upon the Church, “…this day there is poison come into the church.”[16]

Whitefield’s next point is built on the foundation of the former, and from Paul’s First Letter to the Corinthians (1:26), by contrasting a personal relationship with Jesus Christ with having and loving earthly riches. However, he isn’t taking a “this or that” stand, here; as, he doesn’t take issue with having earthly riches. Rather, instead of waging a war against the rich and riches, he attempts to make the point that it is difficult for the rich to be Christ-followers. Evidence of this view comes from the following statement:

“…yet some are; if any of you are rich here, and are Christians, thank God for it, you ought to be doubly thankful for it.”[17]

This statement speaks of difficulty and not inability; however, Whitefield seems as if he’s attributing this difficulty with being rich. Thus, the rich tend to develop an abiding love, not only of money, but also of the lifestyle that being a rich man tends to afford, over and against loving God and his Church. He follows this by referring to the Church as being, “a bramble all on fire.”[18] In this section, it could be that Whitefield had the parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus (Lk. 16:19-31), in which Jesus is making the point that the humble will be exalted, while those who exalt themselves, who give no care to others, will be humbled.

Next, Whitefield tackles a question that is related to his description of the Church. Because, it seems that, for Whitefield, difficulty in the world, as a Christian, is a simple matter of fact, “…we shall find, if God’s word is true, whether we are born under despotic power, or a free government, that they that will live godly in Christ Jesus must suffer persecution.”[19] Therefore, if it is that case that the Church is like a bramble, open to trial and, at times, persecution, why must it be so? For Whitefield, it is related to the purpose of the Church in the world. The Church of Christ is in the world to be a witness to Jesus Christ; therefore, if the Church is to be a burning bramble bush then it must be to glorify God. We are humble before the world, we put God first, in order that all glory, credit, and honor may be to Him, alone.

However, if the Church, as well as the individual Christian, is persecuted, why is it not destroyed? For the child of God who knows of the relevant Scriptures, the answer to this question is obvious. However, it must be remembered that Whitefield is quite certain that a good portion of his audience, not only have not answer to this questions, but are, most likely, among the reprobate. Therefore, he takes the time to carefully, but succinctly answer it:

“the bush is burned, but is not consumed”[20]

In other words, just as God spoke to Moses from the burning bush, God’s Spirit is to be within the Church, within His children, for the purpose of speaking out to those who would believe. Perhaps, Whitefield had himself, at least partly, in mind, here. By this time, he had been shutout of most Anglican parish church buildings throughout his homeland because he preached of the new birth and the necessity of being in Christ.[21] Therefore, the Christian, the Church, is “burned”, however, for the Christian, this is a purifying fire; for, he is made more like Christ. For the non-believer, the fire only amplifies the voice of God’s Spirit calling out to the whosoever will.

Whitefield then hits on another aspect of the theme of worldly riches: materialism versus godliness, but he connects it to parents. His claim is that those who are not godly, really do not care about their children. He states:

“some don’t care what becomes of their children; [they think] O, I thank God, I have left my boy so much, and my daughter a coach…(sic)[22]

On the face of it, these things, the money implied with “so much” and the coach, make it seem that these parents really do care for their children. However, if this is all that a parent leaves their children, they haven’t really left them much. In other words, if parents do not foster a godly legacy in the lives of their children, they are only seeing to it that they may be separated from Jesus, eternally. He makes this clear:

“…well, your son and daughter may ride in that coach post to the devil: but the godly man says, I want an eternal inheritance for my son.”[23]

After speaking of a characteristic that would divide between godly and non-godly people, he discusses another characteristic that he seems to believe points out, to the individual, if they are of Christ or of Satan—temptation. For Whitefield, there is an obvious connection between experience and fighting temptation, whether it be experienced within or without, with evidence for salvation:

“…you have great reason to suspect your experience, your having any interest in the love of the Son of God at all, if you never found the fiery darts (temptation) of the devil (sic).”[24]

In other words, those who evidently experience the “fiery darts of the devil” within themselves may, indeed, be among the redeemed; or, at least, under God’s influence.

As Whitefield begins to head toward the closing of this sermon, he takes a moment to discuss, although, not necessarily explicitly, a point of John Wesley’s theology that he took issue with: sinless perfection of the Christian on Earth.[25] Whitefield tells his audience:

“O, perhaps some of you will say, thank God, I have no pride at all…[although] he had received many sins from his father Adam, but thank God, he had no pride.”[26]

According to Haykin, Whitefield spent a considerable portion of time, between 1740 and 1742, discussing the problems with this doctrine with John Wesley, directly. Also, in an effort to shape public opinion, with regards to this doctrinal issue, he also preached many sermons, this one included, that railed against it. However, he never failed to do so “with evident love.”[27] Within this sermon, he closed his polemic against Wesley’s thought regarding sin with the following:

“We are all as proud as the devil…the Lord God help such to see their condition (sic).”[28]

            In the closing page, Whitefield spends all of his time calling out to those who may now be convinced, or perhaps not so, that they are apart from Jesus. He does so with the tools of Scriptural reasoning and fear:

“…you are burning with the devil in your hearts…with ‘the lust of the flesh,’ with the ‘lust of the eye, and pride of life’; and if you do not get out of this state as Lot said to his sons-in-law, e’r long you shall be burning in hell, and not consumed (sic)…Blessed by God, that there is yet a day of grace (sic)…thou blessed, dear comforter, have mercy, mercy, mercy upon our unconverted friends, upon the unconverted part of this auditory (sic).[29]

“Repentance and Conversion” (Acts 3:19-20a)

            The previous sermon was explicitly devoid of mention of the major doctrine, for which Whitefield is most famous for championing, the new birth. This next sermon, however, focuses upon it. Throughout it, Whitefield calls out to the hearer to respond to God’s mercy, to cease relying upon their efforts, but to through themselves upon the mercy that is found in Christ.

He begins discussing the abounding mercy and grace of his personal Lord, Jesus, with a discussion of those Jews and Romans who were directly responsible for the murder of Jesus through His crucifixion. In this section, Whitefield is clear and to the point, and he is speaking directly to the listener who may believe that their sins are too numerous or great for even God to pardon. However, if this is true, Whitefield might ask, how is it that the people who put Jesus on the Cross could find forgiveness within a month after the event? Whitefield puts it, thus:

“Peter…charged the audience home with having been the murders of the Son of God…the apostle lets them know that great as their sin was, it was not unpardonable…there was a mercy for them (sic).[30]

            Next, after affirming that the sinners in the audience may, indeed, find mercy, grace, and forgiveness for their sins, he takes time to point what would not qualify as true repentance. Whitefield seems to be pointing out a practice within the Anglican Church that is related to a supposed form of repentance. According to his description, after the pastor had completed his presentation to the congregation, he would read a passage from the official prayer book. Then, the congregation, along with the pastor, would all thank God for their conversion.[31] In response to this, he explains that if this was the method of repentance used by anyone within his audience:

“he is as much unconverted to God as ever.”[32]

Continuing with a related theme, Whitefield discusses what else does not save: ecclesiastical membership and participation. It may be reasonably assumed that this sentiment within the Anglican congregations was a hold-over from the English Reformation. Prior to splitting with the Roman Church, the English theologians may have been influenced by a view of soteriology related to Pope Gregory the Great. Because of his background, Gregory’s thought was heavily influenced by his early life as an aesthetic and monk. Therefore, he taught a view that is a form of synergism: being crucified with Christ involved “extreme repentance, including penitential acts of self-sacrifice…active participation in the sacramental life of the church (sic).”[33] Being that the Anglican form of worship was devised, during the Elizabethan period, as a middle-road compromise between Protestant and Roman Christianity, it is possible that being an active sacramental participant was an important theme in the understanding of how salvation is maintained. Furthermore, prior to and during this period, there were many ecclesiastical traditions claiming to have the best interpretation of the Scriptures. Thus, the English were now rife with choice, as to which church and theological tradition to partner up with. However, for Whitefield, all of this amounted to nothing, as long as the heart remained unconverted, in a personal way, to Christ:

“…all this is conversion from one party to another. If the minister gives a rub or two he will take miff perhaps, and be converted to some other persuasion, and all the while Jesus Christ is left unthought of; but this is conversion only from party to party, not real, and that which will bring a soul to heaven.”[34]

Thus, Whitefield is saying to these people, belonging to the “right” church does not save; doctrines and crying out, “Amen,” to certain Bible passages will not save. Frankly, Whitefield doesn’t seem to care which Protestant tradition one held to. His concern was personal repentance before the Lord and the reforming of the whole man:

“Reformation is not renovation…(sic) the old man remains unmortified, and the heart is unrenewed still.”[35]

            Building on this, he moves on to describe what conversion is. For Whitefield, conversion affects the whole man; not just his outward acts, but his inner desires and thoughts are affected, as well. To be converted involves a change from the old to the new. The converted man, he would assert, no longer professes of his self-righteousness, but of God’s righteousness:

“…man must be a new creature, and converted from his own righteousness to the Lord Jesus Christ…you may be convinced and not converted, but you cannot be converted without being convinced.”[36]

In defense of his position, Whitefield employed Paul’s words from Philippians 3: “Hence, says the apostle, ‘I count all things but loss—that I may win Christ, and be found in Him; not having my own righteousness, which is of the law, but that which is through the faith of Christ; the righteousness which if of God by faith.”[37]

Finally, we have mention of the new birth that if found in Jesus Christ. For Whitefield, this grand doctrine was explicitly taught throughout the New Testament. Furthermore, man’s inability to keep to the law, as displayed in historical narrative of the Old Testament, testifies to the necessity of it:

“I am preaching from a Bible that saith, ‘He that is in Christ is a new creature, old things,’ not ‘will’ be, but ‘are passed away, all things’, not only ‘will’, but ‘are become new.’…so when a person is converted to God, there are all the features of the new creature and growth, till he becomes a young man and a father in Christ; and God translates him to glory (sic).”[38]

Continuing with his discussion of the new birth, he tells them how they can know if they have been born into this newness:

“There will be new principles, new ways, new company, new works; there will be a thorough change in the heart and life…at first, it begins with terror and legal sorrow, afterwards it leads to joyfulness…afterwards we receive the Spirit of adoption to long and thirst for God…when we talk of being converted from the world, we mean converted from the love of it.”[39]

            In closing, he addresses what would have been the following question, when should one pursue this new birth and become converted; is there a good age to do this? For Whitefield the answer was quite simple: sinful man needs Jesus, right now. All men need to bend the knee, irrespective of age, position, or creed. For him, putting off conversion and running from God was evidence of a deep and firm hold of sin upon the heart. He expresses the urgency of conversion in the following way:

“Is it time for the poor prisoners to be converted that are to be hanged tomorrow morning? If it is time for them, it is time for you, for you may be dead before them.”[40]

Whitefield’s Legacy of Success

            Some have referred to Whitefield as “America’s spiritual founding father”.[41] However, there were many pastors, missionaries, and leading lay people who helped to influence and shape the course of Christian history within America prior to Whitefield stepping foot onto American soil. What, then, would account for this honor; why is Whitefield considered an evangelistic giant?

Lambert points out that prior to his arrival in America, in October of 1739, Whitefield’s sermons were already holding influence upon the people. This is because he took every opportunity to have his sermons published within newspapers of the American Colonies. Lambert credits this act as preparing his many audiences to desire to come and see this spectacle that they have, for so long, read and heard about. However, Whitefield didn’t stop at this practice after he arrived. Instead, he continued to publish his sermons as often as he could. This, as Lambert points out allowed him to influence the religious thought of those who were unable to come to one of his meetings. This also allowed those who lived in the rural areas, out of reach from many church congregations, to read and be influenced by him. Lambert contends that this action of publishing his sermons helped to link that many localized revivals throughout New England, in Virginia, and the Carolinas, during the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, to a larger movement—the Great Awakening.[42]

Conclusion 

            During Whitefield’s time, the social condition, morally and spiritually, was nothing short of deplorable. The social acceptance of widespread and open sinful and debauched lives were not only tolerated, but accepted. Through his preaching of the new birth, and through the publishing of his sermons, Whitefield was able to join his efforts with God’s Spirit and make a wonderful impact, not only in English society, but also, within America; as, he is known as helping to spark the Great Awakening.

 

Bibliography

Fant, Clyde E., Jr. and Pinson, William M., Jr.  20 Centuries of Great Preaching vol. III: Wesley to Finney (1703-1875).  Waco, TX: Word Books, 1971.

Gaustad, Edwin & Schmidt, Leigh. The Religious History of America: The Heart of the American Story from Colonial Times to Today. New York, NY: HarperOne, 2002.

Haykin, Michael A. G.  The Revived Puritan: The Spirituality of George Whitefield. Dundas, Ontario: Joshua Press, 2000.

—“The Christian Life in the Thought of George Whitefield,” The Southern Baptist Journal of Theology 18:2 (2014): 7-22.

Kidd, Thomas S. George Whitefield: America’s Spiritual Founding Father. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2014.

Lambert, Frank. “The Great Awakening as Artifact: George Whitefield and the Construction of Intercolonial Revival, 1739-1745,” Church History 60:2 (June, 1991): 223-46.

Olson, Roger E.  The Story of Christian Theology: Twenty Centuries of Tradition & Reform. Downers Grove: IVP Academic, 1999.

Ryle, James Charles. A Sketch of the Life and Labors of George Whitefield. New York, NY: Anson D. F. Randolph, 1854.

Toulmin, Joshua. An historical view of the state of the Protestant dissenters in England, And of the Progress of Free Enquiry and Religious Liberty, From the Revolution to the Accession of Queen Anne. Bath, UK: Richard Cruttwell, 1814.

 

Endnotes

[1] James Charles Ryle, A Sketch of the Life and Labors of George Whitefield (New York, NY: Anson D. F. Randolph, 1854), 6.

[2] Michael A. G. Haykin, The Revived Puritan: The spirituality of George Whitefield (Dundas, Ontario: Joshua Press, 2000), 41.

[3] Ibid., #42.

[4] Thomas S. Kidd, George Whitefield: America’s Spiritual Founding Father (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2014), 14.

4 Haykin, “The Christian Life in the Thought of George Whitefield,” Southern Baptist Journal of Theology 18.2 (2014): 7.

[6] Ryle, Ibid., #12.

[7] Ibid., #8-14.

[8] Joshua Toulmin, An historical view of the state of the Protestant dissenters in England, And of the Progress of Free Enquiry and Religious Liberty, From the Revolution to the Accession of Queen Anne (Bath, UK: Richard Cruttwell, 1814), 261.

[9] Ryle, Ibid., #10-11. Socinianism denies Trinitarian orthodoxy and was embraced by Unitarians; it also denies the deity of Christ, asserting the Jesus was just a man and the God is a single unity with the Holy Spirit. Roger E. Olsen, The Story of Christian Theology: Twenty Centuries of Tradition & Reform (Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 1999), 462.

[10] Frank Lambert, “The Great Awakening as Artifact: George Whitefield and the Construction of Intercolonial Revival, 1739-1745” Church History 60:2 (June, 1991): 223-32.

[11] Ryle, Ibid., #10.

[12] Lambert, Ibid, #223-5.

[13] George Whitefield, “The Burning Bush” in 20 Centuries of Great Preaching vol. III: Wesley to Finney (1703-1875). Ed. Clyde E. Fant, Jr. and William M Pinson, Jr. (Waco, TX: Word Books, 1971), 130.

[14] Ibid.

[15] Ibid.

[16] Ibid.

[17] Ibid., #131.

[18] Ibid.

[19] Ibid.

[20] Ibid., #133.

[21] Ryle, Life and Labors, #23-4.

[22] Whitefield, “The Burning Bush,” Ibid.

[23] Ibid.

[24] Ibid.

[25] Haykin, “The Christian Thought,” #17.

[26] Whitefield, “The Burning Bush,” #134.

[27] Hayken, “Christian Thought.”

[28] Whitefield, Ibid.

[29] Ibid., #135-6.

[30] George Whitefield, “Repentance and Conversion,” 20 Centuries, #137.

[31] Ibid., #138.

[32] Ibid.

[33] Olsen, Story of Christian Theology, #286-9.

[34] Whitefield, “Repentance.”

[35] Ibid., #138-9.

[36] Ibid., #139.

[37] Ibid.

[38] Ibid., #140.

[39] Ibid., #140-1.

[40] Ibid., #144.

[41] Kidd, Whitefield.

[42] Lambert, “The Great Awakening as Artifact,” #223-5, 229-34.

A Theology of Missions

Introduction

This essay will defend the view that all Christians are called to be a part of missions. While each person may not actually depart their home and enter into foreign lands to preach the gospel, each Christian should see to it that they support missions, in some way. Also, the following question will be answered: what is the purpose of making disciples for Jesus Christ?

Genesis 12:1-3 and Psalms 102:21-22

             It is within this piece of Scripture in which the call of God to Abram is recounted to the Bible’s readers.  The Bible reading community rightly recognizes this as God’s establishment of His chosen people – Israel; as, it will be through Abram’s progeny, specifically that of Jacob (Abraham’s grandson through Isaac), to whom God will give the Promised Land to.  This people will be established as God’s nation of priests (Ex. 19:6) and will live in such a way as to reflect God’s holiness and goodness before the nations of the world.  The purpose for this, contrary to 1st century Jewish thought[1], was not to isolate the Jews away from the pagan nations.  Instead, God established Israel so that, “they may declare in Zion the name of the Lord and in Jerusalem his praise, when peoples gather together, and kingdoms, to worship the Lord” (Ps. 102:21-22).  In other words, God chose a people from the loins of Abraham in order to bring those who live in spiritual isolation from God into a relationship of dependence and love with God.

This calling of Abram can be strongly linked to the contemporary mission upon Christ’s Church.  For instance, it must be remembered that God did not call someone who was already established in holiness.  Abram was called out of a pagan nation, possibly polytheistic, into a relationship with the Living God.[2]  In other words, God established something that was to be a holy object of His love – a people that was to bring the world to Him – from something formerly profane.  God has done the same thing in calling people out of the world and into His people under His Son.  If this is the case, shouldn’t His people carry on the mission that He gave to His people long ago – to bring the nations to Him?

Acts 1:8 and Paul’s Epistle to the Romans

            In Acts 1:8, Jesus restates the Great Commission (that is found in the Gospel of Matthew) except, instead of stating it as a command, it is spoken in predictive language. Jesus also seems to be coupling the reception of the Spirit, and obtaining power through Him, to the act of being His witness.[3]  In other words, when the Apostles receive the Spirit then they will be enabled to be effective witnesses of Jesus – which, if we take the text seriously, seems to be the point (beyond individual salvation and restoration of a relationship with God) of the reception of the Spirit.  What occurs immediately after this is interesting – the Apostles begin to speak in other languages (tongues) that Jews on pilgrimage to Jerusalem for the Pentecost understand (Acts 2:4-12).  Immediately following this event, Peter has a chance to preach the gospel to these same people and, as Luke records, “there were added that day about three thousand souls” (Acts 2:41).  Obviously, this text can be used to support the notion of performing home-missions; which refers to reaching those who need to be reached within your native land.[4]  However, the relevance goes to a broader reach – that of the Epistle to the Romans.

It has often been assumed by those in the Roman Catholic tradition that Paul was one of the founders of the Church of Rome.  However, there are numerous statements made by Paul in his Epistle to the Romans that seem to propose a direct affront to that position.  Specifically, “…in my prayers, asking that somehow by God’s will I may now at last succeed in coming to you” (1:10) and “This is the reason why I have so often been hindered from coming to you” (15:22).  We know that Rome has had a Christian presence for quite some time; therefore, the question must be answered, as to, how Christianity first came to Rome.  Polhill suggests that it came to Rome through some of the Jewish pilgrims, mentioned in Acts 2:10, that were returning from Pentecost. If this is the case, they would have heard the gospel through Peter’s exposition of Christ, as well as their interaction with the Apostles after the reception of the Spirit.[5]  In other words, regular people, just like the ones who inhabit the churches of Christ, today, took the saving message of Jesus with them wherever they went and shared it.  These lay people contributed to the “ends of the earth” part of the commission that was delivered to the Apostles.

The Nature of God and Missions

            In Leviticus, God revealed the following to Moses and the people of Israel, “You shall be holy, for I the Lord your God am holy” (19:2b).  In discussing this attribute of God, Frame mentions, “he [God] called us back to imitate him”.[6]  The implication, of course, is that God calls us out of sin and into a relationship with Him that establishes God’s holiness in our lives.  Even though God has commanded His people to be holy on the basis of His holiness – for His representatives, which the Church is, must reflect, accurately, His character – due to our fallen nature, we can only be holy and truly represent Him through His holiness.  We cannot attain to holiness on our own.

Winding back the clock, in the Bible, we can see that God established the Apostles to call people back to God’s holiness, for the purpose of establishing a right relationship with Him.  In other words, they performed missions – sought to fulfill the Great Commission – to establish a holy people as far as their feet would carry them.  The message that God handed over to them has been handed down, from one generation to the next, being accomplished in one form or another, to today and to us.  It is now in our time, and in our churches, that the message of calling people back to the holiness of God exists.  Out of God’s nature of holiness, and in our role of representing this Living God, the Church of Jesus Christ is to perform missions and seek out opportunities to share this message with the lost.  To be holy involves sharing God, for this fulfills James 4:17.

Missions in Light of: Trinitarianism and Ecclesiology

Trinitarianism and Missions

            The following New Testament Scriptures are some of the references to the Father sending the Son forth to the earth: John 3:17 (to save the world); John 5:30 (to do the will of the Father); John 17:8 (to speak the Word of God to the Apostles); John 17:8 (to send the Apostles to the world); and John 20:21 (so that Jesus would send His people as the Father sent the Son).  John 20:22 references Jesus delivering the Spirit to the Apostles and it seems coupled with the Spirit descending on Jesus at his baptism by John – to mark Jesus/the Apostles out for the mission that God sent Him/them on.  In delivering the Great Commission to the Apostles, in Matthew, Jesus tells his Apostles to go into the nations, making disciples, and baptizing them in “the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit” (28:19).  In other words, in asserting that they are to go and make disciples and to baptize them in that name, Jesus is coupling their authority to do so in the Trinitarian identity of the Godhead.

Kostenberger comments on the Trinitarian relationship, “In relational terms, it is the Father who sends the Son, not the Son the Father.  Likewise, it is the Father and the Son who send the Spirit rather than vice versa.”[7]  Taking this line of thinking further, the Son sends His Church, empowered by the Spirit, to the “ends of the earth” to be his witnesses – this is what the biblical narrative reveals.  In other words, missions and the mission of the Church flows directly from the relationship, that has been established from eternity, between the Father, Son, and Spirit directly to the Church.

Ecclesiology and Missions

In his Letter to the Ephesians, Paul wrote, “but you are fellow citizens with the saints and members of the household of God, built on the foundation of the apostles and prophets, Christ Jesus himself being the cornerstone” (2:19b-20).  Paul is linking all those who are a part of Christ’s Church with the apostles.  Therefore, it is legitimate to think that one can connect the commandments that Jesus gave to the apostles to the children of God, in Christ, today.  In other words, all those who belong to the Church, are bound to the Great Commission, in some way.  While it will not be contended that all must be a missionary, in the sense that Paul and many of the other apostles were utilizing, we all need to find a role that fulfills, in some way, Matthew 28:19-20.

Erickson, in discussing the role of the Church, begins his chapter on evangelism.  He also takes the position of linking Jesus’ commands to His apostles to all those who belong to His Church – however, Erickson’s language is different.  He uses “disciples” in place of “apostles” which helps in establishing that Christ was referring to all of his followers – even those who would come about in the future – as, all of those who are under the Name of Jesus are His disciples.  Erickson concludes his section on evangelism by stating, “if the church is to be faithful to its Lord and bring joy to his heart, it must be engaged in bringing the gospel to all people.”[8]

In John, in his high priestly prayer, Jesus prays, “Holy Father, keep them in your name, which you have given me, that they may be one, even as we are one” (17:11b).  While a case can be made that Jesus is speaking of those who have been with him – his first century disciples – a case can also be made that he had those who would come after them in mind.  In this same prayer, Jesus states, “I do not ask for these only, but also for those who will believe in me through their word, that they may all be one, just as you, Father, are in me, and I in you, that they also may be in us, so that the world may believe that you have sent me” (17:20).  The ending of this prayer sets its tone as being evangelical and missions oriented – “so that the world may believe that you have sent me.”  In other words, just as the Son sought to accomplish the will of the Father, the Son commanded His disciples to accomplish His will. Therefore, this command gets transferred to all who would become a disciple of Jesus Christ, due to their testimony – the Bible and the faith that was once delivered.  Considering verse 20, it should be concluded that part of the will of the Father and the Son is that the Church would engage in missions and evangelism.

Two Key Themes Relating to Missions

The Kingdom of God

The koine Greek term used in the New Testament for “kingdom” is, basileia.  According to Ladd, basileia refers to, “the rank, authority, and sovereignty exercised by a king” – in other words, it primarily refers to the authority and sovereignty of a king to rule.[9]  This is contrary to the contemporary view of “kingdom”, which is usually thought to mean a territory, region, or country – a geographic area.  The Old Testament usage of “kingdom” (malkuth in Hebrew) falls-in-line with this view.  Ezra speaks of a return from exile “during the reign of Artaxerxes” (8:1 ESV).  The ESV correctly identifies the context of this term (“reign”); however, both basileia and malkuth literately mean “kingdom”.[10]  Therefore, we should identify the kingdom of God as God’s authority to rule over that which He is sovereign over.  However, as Ladd points out, Scripture presents three ways to understand this kingdom[11]:

  1. God’s reign.
  2. The realm into which we may now enter to experience the blessings of His reign.
  3. A future realm which will come only with the return of our Lord Jesus Christ into which we shall then enter and experience the fullness of His reign.

What does this mean for us, today?  It means that Christ Jesus will reign until the enemies of God are placed under His feet, as Scripture professes (1 Cor. 15:25).  In short, Christ is on conquest against His enemies – Satan, death, and sin.

However, this begs the question of what Jesus meant in the Gospels when he made the pronouncement, “The kingdom of God has come near you” (Lk. 10:8b) and, “The kingdom of God is in the midst of you” (Lk. 17:21b)?  If the above conversation is accurate, it means that God is acting to deliver you from sin, death, and Satan.  This makes sense, as in Luke 10:8 the discussion is centered around people accepting the message of the disciples – namely, Jesus.  We know that if a person accepts Jesus for who He says that He is, God begins to work within and around that person in order to free them.  Furthermore, this process is ongoing – our own lives should testify to this – as, I do not know anyone who is not struggling with sin.

This is what the kingdom of God has to do with missions – and it flows from the question, of when will Christ return.  We know from the Scriptures that the Kingdom of God – the Good News – must be preached throughout all of the world.  We also know that God wants us, His children, to partner with Him in advancing His Kingdom – and we do this by preaching the Good News.  Therefore, when a lost soul accepts Jesus, the Kingdom of God is advancing into their lives. In other words, God is now ruling in their heart and He has ultimate authority over them.  These last days have been set aside for the people of God to do their work; that is, to preach the Good News of the gospel of Jesus Christ for the purpose of bringing the nations to the Lord God.

The Holy Spirit

            The Holy Spirit is our enabler, in terms of service to God and obedience to the commands of Christ (Luke 24:45-49; Acts 1:8), furthermore, He convicts, leads, and inspires us to actually enter into service to God.  However, we also partner with the Spirit whenever we engage the lost with the gospel.  For, we know that it is the Spirit that convicts man of sin, righteousness, and judgment (Jn. 16:8-11); furthermore, He leads man into the truth (Jn. 16:13).

In Acts, Luke provides us with a historical-narrative that illustrates how man partners with the Spirit and how the Spirit convicts a fallen man of sin.  During the Pentecost, Peter, empowered by the Spirit, was afforded the opportunity to preach of Christ as the Messiah from the perspective of the Old Testament.  What we learn is that some three-thousand of these people “were cut to the heart” (2:37) – we can only surmise that God the Spirit worked through Peter’s words (which, ultimately, came from the Spirit) to convict them of the truth.  The result of this – they sought forgiveness of their sins and received “the gift of the Holy Spirit” (2:38b).

Likewise, when we engage in evangelism through missions, or just evangelism in our communities, we give the Spirit a chance to convict the sinful through the preaching of His Word.  If these people receive the forgiveness of sins and receive the Spirit, we owe no credit to ourselves, for it was the Spirit who enabled us, convicted the hearer, and redeemed the dead heart.  Furthermore, we know that when we obey and share the gospel, it is a sign that God’s Spirit is working within us.

 Conclusion

            Each person within the Church – whether he be a full-time missionary, a leader in the church (presumably, a pastor/elder), or a lay person – all have a part to play in missions.  While the missionary and the pastor/elder may have a developed theology of missions that guide them, intellectually, through this endeavor, the lay person, most likely, does not.  However, they should; even if it is not a formalized set of propositions.

Often, missions and mission theology seem as if they are a special grouping, almost like Force Reconnaissance Marines or Navy SEALs serve a specialized mission that the rest of the military, generally, does not support or know about.  However, this is not to be the case with the Church and missions.  If we take Jesus’ words seriously – and William Carey would agree – missions is a normal activity of the Church.  It could easily be established that every part of the Church’s normal functioning should support and foster missionary endeavor in one way or another.  The question must be asked and answered – what is the purpose of making disciples?  The purpose is that they would become disciple-makers themselves.  This is applicable to missionary, pastor/elder, and lay person alike.  In other words, as Peters affirms, missions belongs at the center of theology.[12]  Based upon these Scriptures (Matt. 9:37-38, 28:18-20; Mk. 16:15; Lk. 24:46-47; Jn. 14:23-24, 20:21; and Acts 1:8), an understanding of missions and seeking to see it fulfilled, whether globally or locally, must be central to each church body of Christ followers.

Bibliography

Erickson, Millard J. Christian Theology, 2nd ed. Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 1998.

Frame, John M. The Doctrine of God: A Theology of Lordship. Phillipsburg: P&R Publishing, 2002.

Kostenberger, Andreas J. “John’s Trinitarian Mission Theology” in Southern Baptist Journal of Theology, 9:4 (2005), 14-33

Ladd, George Eldon. The Gospel of the Kingdom: Scriptural Studies in the Kingdom of God. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1959.

Moreau, A. Scott, et. al., Introducing World Missions: A Biblical, Historical, and Practical Survey, 2nd ed. Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2015.

Peters, George W. A Biblical Theology of Missions. Chicago: Moody, 1972, from, Moreau, A. Scott, et. al., Introducing World Missions: A Biblical, Historical, and Practical Survey, 2nd ed. Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2015.

Plummer, Robert L. “The Great Commission in the New Testament,” in Southern Baptist Journal of Theology 9:4 (2005), 4-11.

Polhill, John B. Paul & His Letters. Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 1999.

Wright, Christopher J. H. Knowing Jesus through the Old Testament. Downers Grove: IVP Academic, 1992.

Yamauchi, Edwin M. “Abraham and Archaeology: Anachronisms or Adaptations?” in Perspectives on Our Father Abraham: Essays in Honor of Marvin R. Wilson, ed. Hunt, Steven A. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2010.

Endnotes

[1] Christopher J. H. Wright, Knowing Jesus through the Old Testament (Downers Grove: IVP Academic, 1992), 138.

[2] Edwin M. Yamauchi, “Abraham and Archaeology: Anachronisms or Adaptations?” in Perspectives on Our Father Abraham: Essays in Honor of Marvin R. Wilson, ed. Steven A. Hunt (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2010), Kindle Electronic Edition.

[3]Robert L. Plummer, “The Great Commission in the New Testament,” in Southern Baptist Journal of Theology 9:4 (2005), 6.

[4] A. Scott Moreau, et. al., Introducing World Missions: A Biblical, Historical, and Practical Survey, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2015), 23.

[5] John B. Polhill, Paul & His Letters (Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 1999), 279.

[6] John M. Frame, The Doctrine of God: A Theology of Lordship (Phillipsburg: P&R Publishing, 2002), 449.

[7] Andreas J. Kostenberger, “John’s Trinitarian Mission Theology” in Southern Baptist Journal of Theology, 9:4 (2005), 25.

[8] Millard J. Erickson, Christian Theology, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 1998), 1060-63.

[9] George Eldon Ladd, The Gospel of the Kingdom: Scriptural Studies in the Kingdom of God (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1959), 19.

[10] Ibid, 19-20.

[11] Ibid, 22.

[12] George W. Peters, A Biblical Theology of Missions (Chicago: Moody, 1972), from, A. Scott Moreau, et. al., Introducing World Missions: A Biblical, Historical, and Practical Survey, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2015), 72.

William Carey’s Influence on Protestant Missions (A Brief Essay)

William Carey’s grand contribution toward Protestant missions has to do with the paradigm shift regarding the Great Commission that he helped to foster.  Prior to Carey’s missionary career, much of the foreign missionary work was generally performed in conjunction with colonialism[1], as it was the duty of the monarch of a given country to send missionaries into lands that he was colonizing.  In these cases, however, the bulk of the missionary work was being performed by the Roman Catholic Church and they were keen to be critical of the Protestants because of this.[2]  If the Protestants did perform missions then it was generally performed on the European continent (except in rare cases, i.e. Moravians); and that, early on, by the Anabaptists and not the magisterial Reformers.[3]

Sunshine highlighted many probable reasons for the lack of missionary zeal on the part of the mainstream (magisterial) reformers. However, the most likely reason (beyond lack of foreign access) highlighted had to do with their interpretation of the Great Commission.  Both Sunshine and George discuss the “standard” interpretation, that Jesus commanded his Apostles to go into the entire world, but not the non-Apostles.  Thus, it was erroneously held that, by extension of Apostles to professional clergy, the Great Commission only applied to professional clergy.[4]  In general, the Protestants were not good at spreading the gospel.  This can be summed up, quite well, by Eliot’s statement to the Massachusetts Indians when asked why he delayed in mentioning Jesus to them, “We doe repent.[5]

Furthermore, financial support for missions, up to this point, was typically limited to being from the State and not from lay or private bankrolls (not making a universal statement, exceptions abound here).  This makes sense in light of the above point that colonizing monarchs felt responsible to send missionaries into their colonies to establish their brand of Christianity, cuius regio eius religio (the religion of the monarch is the religion of the land).[6]

When Carey began to think biblically about the situation of unreached peoples in foreign lands, he developed his missions theology that can be summed up with, “missionary work was the central responsibility of the church.”[7]  Being a Baptist pastor, Carey had access to many churchmen of his day, attended conferences with them, and explained his views about foreign missions to them.  Early on, however, he was heavily criticized by leaders within his own denomination; they referred to him, pejoratively, as an “enthusiast.”[8]  However, Carey continued to develop his ideas on missions and countered the criticisms with the following arguments, which can be found in his Enquiry[9]:

The Great Commission lacked any statute of limitations. Is Christ’s presence limited to the Apostles, as well? Should we also assume that the commands to baptize, preach, and teach to be void if Jesus’ command of the Great Commission is, as well?  If sinners are obligated to repent and believe in Christ, didn’t those who carry the message of the gospel carry an obligation to go to them with it?[10]

All of this very soon led to the formation of, what became known as, the Baptist Missionary Society (as well as the founding and implementation of other missionary societies); which Carey became its first missionary and was sent to India for the remainder of his life to reach the Indians with the gospel.[11]  Tucker asserted that Carey was ahead of his time as a missionary for the following reason: he desired to build self-sustaining, indigenous congregations by training Indian converts to become preachers in their mother tongue and to provide them Scriptures in their vernacular.[12]

Bibliography

William Carey. “An Enquiry into the Obligation of Christians to Use Means for the Conversion of the Heathens” (1792), in Perspectives on the World Christian Movement: A Reader, 4th ed. Ed. Ralph D. Winter and Steven C. Hawthorne, 312-318. Pasadena: William Carey Library, 2009.

Justo L. Gonzalez.  The Story of Christianity (vol.2): The Reformation to the Present Day. New York: HarperOne, 1985.

Ruth A. Tucker.  From Jerusalem to Irian Jaya: A Biographical History of Christian Missions, 2nd ed.  Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2004.

Glenn S. Sunshine, “Protestant Missions in the Sixteenth Century,” in The Great Commission: Evangelicals and the History of World Missions, ed. Martin I. Klauber and Scott M. Manetsch, 12-22.  Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 2008.

Jon Hinkson, “Missions Among Puritans and Pietists,” in The Great Commission: Evangelicals and the History of World Missions, ed. Martin I. Klauber and Scott M. Manetsch, 23-44.  Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 2008.

Timothy George, “Evangelical Revival and the Missionary Awakening,” in The Great Commission: Evangelicals and the History of World Missions, ed. Martin I. Klauber and Scott M. Manetsch, 45-63.  Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 2008.

Thomas J. Nettles, “Baptists and the Great Commission,” in The Great Commission: Evangelicals and the History of World Missions, ed. Martin I. Klauber and Scott M. Manetsch,89-107.  Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 2008.

 

Endnotes

[1] Gonzalez, Justo L. The Story of Christianity: The Reformation to the Present Day (New York: HarperOne, 1985), 306.

[2] Tucker, Ruth A. From Jerusalem to Irian Jaya: A Biographical History of Christian Missions, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2004), 62-63; Sunshine, Glenn S, “Protestant Missions in the Sixteenth Century,” in The Great Commission: Evangelicals and the History of World Missions, ed. Martin I. Klauber and Scott M.

Manetsch (Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 2008), 12-22; George, Timothy, “Evangelical Revival and the Missionary Awakening,” in The Great Commission: Evangelicals and the History of World Missions, ed. Martin I. Klauber and Scott M. Manetsch (Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 2008), 45-63.

[3] Sunshine, Ibid, 13-15.

[4]Ibid, 13; George, Ibid, 50.

[5] Hinkson, Jon, “Missions Among Puritans and Pietists,” in The Great Commission: Evangelicals and the History of World Missions, ed. Martin I. Klauber and Scott M. Manetsch (Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 2008), 23-44.

[6] Ibid, 35.

[7] Tucker, Ibid, 123.

[8] George, Ibid, 50.

[9]Carey, William, “An Enquiry into the Obligation of Christians to Use Means for the Conversion of the Heathens” (1792), in Perspectives on the World Christian Movement: A Reader, 4th ed. Ed. Ralph D. Winter and Steven C. Hawthorne (Pasadena: William Carey Library, 2009), 312-318.

[10] Ibid, 51-52; Nettles, Thomas J., “Baptists and the Great Commission,” in The Great Commission: Evangelicals and the History of World Missions, ed. Martin I. Klauber and Scott M. Manetsch, (Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 2008), 89-107.

[11] Tucker, Ibid, 124-126.

[12] Ibid, 130.

Paige Patterson, Biblical Inerrancy, and the Conservative Resurgence in the Southern Baptist Convention

Introduction

This essay will examine the early events of the Conservative Resurgence (1967-1979) within the Southern Baptist Convention (SBC). Specific attention will be given to Paige Patterson who is often regarded as the leader of the Resurgence. Between the years of 1967 and 1990, a coalition between Paige Patterson, an up and coming theologian, and Paul Pressler worked to establish conservative leadership within the agencies of the SBC. The focus of the movement that they instigated was upon the Bible—its authority and reliability.[1]

During this time, there was a growing schism between two groups in the SBC: conservatives and moderates. For the conservatives, the statement about the Bible being, “truth, without any mixture of error,”[2] pointed to the Bible’s inerrancy. For the moderates, if they held to a view of inerrancy then it was reduced to the overall message. However, most moderates had displayed a difficulty in defining the term, inerrancy, theologically.[3] The conservatives’ goals were to use internal SBC policy to ensure that other conservatives were to be appointed to the board of trustees that appoints leadership for each agency and seminary within the SBC.[4]

The Controversy

What would it look like for a body of free individuals to be represented by a bureaucracy that, for the most part, did not reflect the values of the body that it was supposed to represent and lead? This was precisely the scenario within the SBC through, at least, 1979. It is important to realize that during this period the clear majority of the laity within the SBC held to a conservative view of the Bible. According to Ammerman, between eight and seventeen percent of the laity within the SBC would have qualified as some type of a moderate.[5] However, many of the presidents of the six SBC seminaries were either moderate (i.e. Roy Honeycutt, Duke McCall), tolerated moderate professors (i.e. Ralph Elliot, Cecil Sherman), or denied their presence within their institutions.[6]

Seeds of the Controversy

Within the SBC, during the 1950’s, in the hope of increasing funds for missions, or otherwise, and in the hope of increasing the numbers of people sitting in the pews of SBC churches, the SBC launched a series of campaigns that were highly programmatic and pragmatic. These campaigns (i.e. “Million More in ‘54’”) were noted successes: attendance and membership were on the rise and missions was extending their reach. However successful these pragmatic practices were, the unintentional effect was a shift in focus from points of theology to points of practice. In other words, there was a shift from orthodoxy to orthopraxy (method became more important than substance).[7] Focusing upon the congregational level, what became evident was that the laity (who had a long tradition of trusting their leadership) were placed into a position to take for granted issues of theological importance—i.e. biblical inerrancy. Therefore, when historical-critical studies began to become mainstream within the practice of theology throughout the SBC’s seminaries, it was largely ignored. After all, noted conservatives (John A. Broadus and A. T. Robertson) had used historical-criticism; yet, they would both affirm the conservative view of the inerrancy of scripture.[8]

However, as the SBC entered the 1960’s, the theological landscape began to change. This shift became evident when The Message of Genesis (1961, Ralph Elliott) and the Genesis-Exodus volume of The Broadman Commentary (1969) were published. Within The Message of Genesis, Elliott denied the historicity of much within Genesis—from Adam and Eve through to the Tower of Babel. Within volume one of The Broadman Commentary, G. Henton Davis (author of the Genesis section), proposed that Abraham had misheard God about sacrificing Isaac.[9] What must be understood is that Elliott’s position was not far from what was mainstream within academia in the SBC. Chauncey R. Daley revealed that “Professors in all our seminaries know that Elliott is in the same stream of thinking within most of them, and is more in the center than some of them.”[10] Evidence for this comes from the fact that Broadman, a publishing arm of the SBC, asked Davis (someone known for not holding to conservative views) to author part of the volume on Genesis and Exodus.

Brief History of Conservative Failures

Throughout the pre-Resurgence period (prior to 1979), the conservatives were seemingly winning the debate over the Bible on the floor of the annual Convention meeting and within the churches of the SBC. However, each victory was turned into failure due to the moderates having control of the SBC bureaucracy. When the issue of Elliott’s text came up for discussion during the 1962 Convention, a motion to affirm the Bible within inerrant language was supported by a near-unanimous vote. This would put pressure upon institutional trustees to deal with liberalism and neo-orthodoxy in a way that affirmed the wishes of the SBC messengers (voting members from cooperating SBC churches). The conservatives had won this battle. However, because the trustees (body of individuals who govern each SBC institution, including the seminaries) consisted of moderates, who were pushing for a diversity of theological views to promote theological discussion, the will of the messengers was essentially ignored.[11]

The trustees of the Midwestern seminary, where Elliott served as a professor, met with him and asked that he not republish his book with an outside publisher. When he refused to comply with this directive, the trustees removed him from his post due to insubordination.[12] While this may seem like another victory for the conservative cause it really was not. It must be noted that neither the Midwestern president nor the trustees condemned Elliott for his views on Genesis, specifically, nor his neo-orthodox treatment of the Bible, generally. In fact, just prior to this, the board of trustees at Midwestern recognized Elliott as a “loyal servant.”[13] It’s telling that Elliott was not dismissed for his theological views, but for his publishing decisions. Although the conservatives seemed to have won another battle, thus far, they were still losing the war.

W. A. Criswell was a staunch biblical conservative pastor of the First Baptist Church in Dallas, TX and was perceived to be a leader within the conservative movement. He was also a two-term president of the SBC during 1968-1970. His election to this position could be viewed as a victory for the conservatives. After all, he was a known inerrantist and considered a patriarch for many of the conservatives. For the conservatives, this could have been an opportunity to push forward their biblical agenda. However, considering the looming controversy, Criswell’s presidency should most likely be viewed as another conservative failure. As president, he failed to push for conservatives to be appointed to positions on any institutional board or committee.[14] Therefore, although the conservatives had their man in charge of the SBC, Criswell’s legacy, as president, was negated by his failure to act in a way that effectively pushed the conservative agenda concerning biblical inerrancy. Once again, the tide of the war moved against the conservatives.

Enter Paige Patterson

As a young seminary student, Patterson was personally acquainted with the presence of moderate and liberal theology within the SBC’s scholastic environment. This was an environment that Patterson believed was destroying the faith of many students of the SBC’s six seminaries. He personally witnessed this in the life of one of his friends at the hands of the teachings of neo-orthodox and moderate theology. This man would quit seminary, resign his pastorate, and abandoned his ministry.[15] While the moderates would continue to deny its presence,[16] data from a 1976 Ph.D. thesis at the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary (SBTS) suggests otherwise. This thesis revealed that among SBTS doctoral students, sixty-seven percent of those surveyed had confidence that Jesus is divine and the Son of God. It also revealed that forty-eight percent of those surveyed doubted or disbelieved in the reality of Satan.[17]

Patterson would interpret this as evidence of the slippery-slope that occurs when one forfeits biblical inerrancy. Logically, this tends to make sense. If the autographs of the Bible are not inerrant then on what basis may a person have confidence in the events, etc., that it speaks to? If not, how then might anyone have confidence in the historical claims of the church regarding God, Jesus, the patriarchs, salvation, or any other biblical doctrine? What then becomes of sin? We might experience evidence of sin in our lives, however, what meaning is there in it if we have lost our confidence and faith in God because, at the very core, our confidence in the authority of the Bible has been eroded?

In 1967, Paige Patterson had a chance encounter with Paul Pressler, a powerful conservative SBC layman who shared his inerrant view of the Bible, at the New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary. Prior to meeting Pressler, Patterson knew what needed to be done, however, he remained pessimistic that the moderates in control of the bureaucracy of the SBC could be beaten. At this meeting and throughout their program, Pressler would remain ever optimistic about the possibility of success—Pressler was just who Patterson needed. During this meeting, they would discuss the need for reform and the failed attempts in the recent past. Patterson believed that the greatest reason that the conservatives were losing was that those who were attempting to initiate change did not understand the political process or the organization of the SBC hierarchy.[18]

Paige Patterson seems to have been born for such a time. He was the son of T. A. Patterson, a popular conservative Texas pastor, who, as the executive director of the Baptist General Conference of Texas, would become intimate with the workings of SBC polity and bureaucracy.[19] Through his father, he would understand how the SBC worked. Furthermore, through his father, Patterson would have known who to count as an ally. In other words, he knew who to count on and how to effect change; further, he would understand the necessity of preparation, patience, prayer, and perseverance.

Patterson’s Plan

Patterson began by identifying the true heart of the problem.  He recognized that the conservatives had won every vote on the Convention floor related to the Bible. Therefore, he had to answer the question of why the SBC was not responsive to the wishes of the Convention’s messengers? The answer, as Patterson would realize, laid with the trustees who effectively ran the institutions of the SBC. Most of them were either moderate or comfortable with maintaining the status quo.[20] Thus, behind the embedded bureaucracy of the SBC, they felt empowered to ignore the wishes of the SBC laity who were funding the institutions of the SBC via the Cooperative Program tithes. Therefore, the key to carrying out the Conservative Resurgence was in transforming the composition of agency trustees. As Pressler once said, “if you don’t have the power to carry out [your] resolutions, you don’t accomplish anything (sic).”[21] But, how were they to accomplish this?

During their 1967 meeting, Patterson and Pressler promised to spend time in prayer and in research of the SBC by-laws to find a solution to the above question. The answer was in using the system to their advantage. They realized that they needed to get a succession of inerrantists elected to serve as president of the SBC.22] While the position of SBC president wasn’t that important for the congregation, per se, they did have some power with their authority to nominate members to the Committee on Committees. It was this committee that nominated those on the Committee on Nominations who then nominate those who were to replace outgoing trustees who made decisions that directly affected the operations of the multiple SBC agencies (seminaries, missions boards, publishing houses, etc.).[23] This was a feature that W. A. Criswell when he served as SBC president, was ignorant of. He once lamented that if he had only known the significance of the nominating power of the president then the institutional state of affairs might not have existed during this time.[24] Criswell is right to have lamented on his lack of understanding of the nominations; however, he should not be judged as being involuntarily complicit of the conditions with the SBC, during his time. Since only a portion of each board of trustees will be replaced on any given year, one round of conservative nominations, during this time, likely would have amounted to a drop in the bucket. Thus, it would take a succession of such nominations by a succession of conservative presidents to make any difference.

What Patterson had to do was to launch a Convention-wide educational campaign to the churches throughout the SBC. Their mission would be to explain what was occurring within the seminaries and other institutional agencies, as it related to biblical inerrancy, and to explain what could be done about it.[25] Bearing in mind that most of the confessing members of the SBC churches were conservative, this would seem to be a simple procedure. However, many of this same conservative laity were also trained by the years of the growth of the Convention and the apparent SBC health via the status quo to trust their denominational leadership. For Patterson to have accused them as being “moderates” or “neo-orthodox” before these congregations would not have meant much to his audience. Patterson’s solution to this was simple; he would, “brand ‘em a ‘libber.’”[26] Strategically, this was a brilliant move. While Patterson was not being completely accurate with his description of his theological opponents, he was, however, able to employ simple speech that most of his listeners would be able to comprehend. Thus, he could drum up grassroots support for messengers that would show up for his cause of electing a conservative president without having to maneuver them through theological milieu that may be difficult for “Aunt Nancy from Cadiz, Kentucky” to understand.

By 1978, Patterson and Pressler finally felt as if they had garnered enough support and that the time was right to launch their plan during the 1979 Houston Convention. During 1978, Patterson gathered a select group of pastors and notable laity for a meeting in the Atlanta Airport Ramada Inn. After the decision was made to proceed during the following year, this group had to decide who to nominate. However, they intentionally left out three leading conservatives (Adrian Rogers, Bailey Smith, and Jerry Vines) from this meeting to protect them and to preserve their public image from any possible taint from the coming controversy. Instead, Patterson, Pressler, and Criswell decided that they would field any attacks in public.[27] While this group selected Adrian Rogers for the nomination, the truth is, Patterson had his eye on him for some time. In a letter sent to Rogers, dated June 15, 1976, Patterson was encouraging Rogers to consider the nomination as president of the SBC  early-on.[28]

1979 Houston Convention

When Patterson and Pressler entered 1979, they had worked for over a decade educating the pastors and laity on the importance of turning out in Houston to vote for a conservative president. Also, they believed that they had their man, Adrian Rogers, the pastor of Bellevue Church in Memphis, TN. Rogers was charismatic, popular with grassroots conservatives, and he believed in biblical inerrancy. For all of these reasons, the moderates in the Convention genuinely feared the possibility of Rogers’ election.[29] However, Rogers wasn’t so sure that he wanted to be the man. Up to the night prior to the election, Rogers confided to many conservatives that he hadn’t heard God lead him in that direction. Furthermore, his wife, Joyce, was completely against Rogers accepting the nomination from the conservatives.[30] However, what became apparent to many was that God was acting that very evening.

A Divine Mandate?

As Pressler describes it, late in the evening prior to the election, Bailey Smith’s wife, Bertha, approached Rogers and told him that she had been in prayer and that she believed that God wanted him to accept the nomination. Possibly to escape unwanted attention, Rogers went back to his hotel room where his wife had been praying. When he entered the room, his wife confided in him that God was changing her mind about accepting the nomination.[31] This was two people whom Rogers trusted that had independently informed him of the same notion; furthermore, just prior to this event, one of them (his wife) had been against accepting the nomination. Rogers, needing to sort this out, went downstairs to take a walk, and pray. However, just as he exited the elevator, by sheer coincidence, he encountered Paige Patterson and Jerry Vines approaching his elevator from opposite ends of the lobby. Rogers’ statement to these two men was, “Men, we gotta talk.”[32] All three men returned to his hotel room and together, along with his wife, prayed until 2:30, the following morning. It was only at this point that he accepted the burden of the nomination.[33] It seems that God, through each of these encounters, was calling out Rogers for His purposes in the SBC.

Pressler had his own set of encounters in the days leading up to the convention. He had reported to his wife, Nancy, that for four consecutive nights, he had had the same dream. In the dream, it was the day of the election in Houston. In the road leading up to the Convention center, there was a long line of people dressed in white. As they entered the building, they were all singing the hymn, “We’re Marching to Zion,” then the dream ended.[34] On the day of the actual election, as the nominations for president were being given, the Convention’s secretary was unaccounted for. Therefore, as the leadership attempted to find the secretary, the music leader was asked to lead them in a song. The song that was sung just happened to be, “We’re Marching to Zion.” Pressler turned to Patterson, who was sitting next to him and said, “Adrian’s won without a runoff [on the first set of votes]. I’ve had a sign (sic).”[35] Immediately after this, the secretary was located and the election proceeded. Rogers was elected the new SBC president with fifty-one percent of the total vote against five other nominees.[36]

It was a landslide and, to many observers, a divine mandate. Rogers would be the first conservative president elected during the Conservative Resurgence and the SBC has yet to see the string of conservatives elected to end. In 1991, after another frustrating election for the moderates (at the 1990 Convention), most departed the SBC, led by Cecil Sherman, to form the Cooperative Baptist Fellowship.[37]

Inerrancy, According to Moderates and Conservatives: Was the Resurgence Necessary?

For the moderates, the concept of inerrancy was somewhat enigmatic. Within their thinking, they didn’t know how to apply it to the text. They viewed the lack of autographical evidence, the fact that the Bible had, at least, human authors, and the multiple copies of the manuscripts to be sources of error. Thus, while many within this camp were willing to attach a form of inerrancy to the message and teachings of the Bible, most could not or would not attach the label of “inerrant” to the actual text, itself. Furthermore, since their emphasis was upon the message of the text, matters of interpretation were deemed more important than the substance of the text. Also, many moderates attempted to deflate the concept of inerrancy by pointing out that the emphasis of Christianity should be upon Jesus and not the Bible. Therefore, to them, it was pointless to squabble about whether the Bible was inerrant. These people attempted to say that to label the text as inerrant was akin to worshipping the text over the Christ (“bibliolatry”).[38]  However, this last point seems moot, since the text speaks of Jesus, teaches us about Him, and is recognized as the Word of God. Since this is the case, shouldn’t Christians also have a high view (albeit, not in a worshipful manner) of the text?

For the moderates, the Conservative Resurgence amounted to nothing more than a witch hunt. Also, for many of them, the term “inerrancy” had become nothing more than a political term instead of a theological concept. However, in light of the fact that the SBC was moving further and further to the left, theologically, is this a fair assessment? If someone were to look about the various other denominations, what they would notice was that many were accepting liberal theologies and they were becoming evangelically and spiritually irrelevant. It was no secret that churches led by conservative pastors were much more missions and evangelistic-oriented than those led by moderate/neo-orthodox/liberal pastors.[39] This illumines Patterson’s grand concern—would his grandchildren hear the gospel in Southern Baptist churches?[40]

The worry was that if the SBC bureaucracy continued to protect liberalism within the SBC’s seminaries then the theological makeup of the incoming pastors would begin to shift more and more to the left. Ultimately, this would likely result in watered-down sermons with little-to-no gospel references or preaching against sin and the need of a personal conversion and repentance. In other words, the conservatives believed that the very gospel was at stake. Mohler commented that when he graduated from the SBTS in Louisville, “it would have been impossible for someone who was neo-orthodox to have been elected to the faculty at Southern [because] they would have been far too conservative (sic).”[41] When Patterson took over the Southeastern Seminary in Wake Forest, NC, he audited the seminary’s library and, “removed more than 350 volumes [on] how to become involved in homosexuality. And that was just typical of many things we found (sic).”[42] Therefore, for the conservatives, the Conservative Resurgence, as well as upholding the inerrancy of the Bible, was about preserving fidelity to the gospel of Jesus Christ within our churches.

Conclusion

Paige Patterson came to the fore of the SBC during a very turbulent time within the Convention. Prior to the Conservative Resurgence, the institutional framework of the SBC did not represent their constituents within the congregations of the SBC churches. Furthermore, there was much evidence that suggested that the SBC’s six seminaries were moving, theologically, to the left. The long-term effect of this, surely, cannot be debated—the pastors who inhabited the pulpits and teaching positions within the churches would be, more likely than not, theologically liberal. If this had occurred, it would have likely led to the spiritual irrelevancy of the SBC and its associated churches. Therefore, working in close association with Paul Pressler, Paige Patterson worked to arrange conditions so that a succession of conservative pastors was elected to the presidency of the SBC. From there, the composition of each agency’s board of trustees could be made more conservative, year-by-year. Eventually, every agency head, seminary president, and seminary professor professed the conservative view of inerrancy.

 

Bibliography

Ammerman, Nancy T. Baptist Battles: Social Change and Religious Conflict in the Southern Baptist Convention. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1990.

Dockery, David S. “The Crisis of Scripture in Southern Baptist Life: Reflections on the Past, Looking to the Future,” Southern Baptist Journal of Theology 9:1 (March 2005): 37-51.

Foust, Michael. “25 years ago, conservative resurgence got its start,” Baptist Press (June 15, 2004) www.bpnews.net/18486/25-years-ago-conservative-resurgence-got-its-start (accessed December 1, 2016).

Hanbury, Aaron Cline. “Seven questions with Paul Pressler about the Conservative Resurgence,” The Towers of The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary 12:10 (June-July 2014): 14-15.

—. “Semper Reformanda and the Southern Baptist Convention: Mohler discusses the Conservative (on-going) Resurgence,” The Towers of The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary 12:10 (June-July 2014): 16-17.

—. “3 Questions with Paige Patterson,” The Towers of The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary 12:10 (June-July 2014): 21.

Hefley, James C. The Truth in Crisis: The Controversy in the Southern Baptist Convention. Dallas, TX: Criterion Publications, 1986.

Mohler, R. Albert. “Baptist Identity: Is There a Future?” Southern Baptist Journal of Theology 9:1 (March 2005): 5-17.

—. “The Southern Baptist Reformation—A First-Hand Account” (June 14, 2006) www.albertmohler.com/2006/06/14/the-southern-baptist-reformation-a-first-hand-account/ (accessed November 01, 2016).

Patterson, Paige. Anatomy of a Reformation: The Southern Baptist Convention 1978-1994. Fort Worth, TX: Southwest Baptist Theological Seminary Office of Public Relations, 2011.

—. Letter: Paige Patterson to Adrian Rogers, June 15, 1976. The Paige Patterson SBC Conservative Resurgence Collection, Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary. http://digitalarchive.swbts.edu/cdm/search/collection/p16969coll18 (accessed November 01, 2016).

—. “Response to: Robert Preus, ‘The Inerrancy of Scripture,’” The Proceedings of the Conference on Biblical Inerrancy 1987. Nashville, TN: Broadman Press, 1987.

Rainer, Thom S. “A Resurgence Not Yet Realized: Evangelistic Effectiveness in the Southern Baptist Convention Since 1979,” Southern Baptist Journal of Theology 9:1 (March 2005): 54-69.

Scott, Newton. “SBC Elects Rogers President,” Baptist Beacon 40:25 (June 28, 1979), 1. The Paige Patterson SBC Conservative Resurgence Collection, Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary. http://digitalarchive.swbts.edu/cdm/search/collection/p16969coll18 (accessed November 01, 2016).

Whitley, Glenna. “Baptist Holy War,” D Magazine (January 1991): 60-68.

Wills, Gregory A. “Who Are the True Baptists? The Conservative Resurgence and the Influence of Moderate Views of Baptist Identity,” Southern Baptist Journal of Theology 9:1 (March 2005): 19-35.

“The Baptist Faith and Message,” Southern Baptist Convention, revised 2000, www.sbc.net/bfm2000.asp (accessed December 10, 2016).

 

Endnotes

[1] R. Albert Mohler, “Baptist Identity: Is There a Future?” Southern Baptist Journal of Theology 9:1 (March 2005): 6.

[2] “The Baptist Faith and Message,” Southern Baptist Convention, revised 2000, www.sbc.net/bfm2000.asp (accessed December 10, 2016).

[3] Nancy T. Ammerman, Baptist Battles: Social Change and Religious Conflict in the Southern Baptist Convention (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1990), 84.

[4] Paige Patterson, Anatomy of a Reformation: The Southern Baptist Convention 1978-1994 (Fort Worth, TX: Southwest Baptist Theological Seminary Office of Public Relations, 2011), 21-2.

[5] Ammerman, Baptist Battles, 78-9.

[6] Gregory A. Wills, “Who Are the True Baptists? The Conservative Resurgence and the Influence of Moderate Views of Baptist Identity,” Southern Baptist Journal of Theology 9:1 (March 2005): 18-21.

[7] David S. Dockery, “The Crisis of Scripture in Southern Baptist Life: Reflections on the Past, Looking to the Future,” Southern Baptist Journal of Theology 9:1 (March 2005): 42.

[8] Ibid.

[9] James C. Hefley, The Truth in Crisis: The Controversy in the Southern Baptist Convention (Dallas, TX: Criterion Publications, 1986), 49 and 54-5.

[10] Michael Foust, “25 years ago, conservative resurgence got its start,” Baptist Press (June 15, 2004) www.bpnews.net/18486/25-years-ago-conservative-resurgence-got-its-start (accessed December 1, 2016).

[11] Hefley, The Truth in Crisis, 49-50.

[12] Ibid., 50.

[13] Ibid.

[14] Glenna Whitley, “Baptist Holy War,” D Magazine (January 1991): 65.

[15] Whitley, “Holy Wars,” D Mag., 63.

[16] Wills, “Who Are the True Baptists?” SBJT 9:1, 19.

[17] Paige Patterson, “Response to: Robert Preus, ‘The Inerrancy of Scripture,’” The Proceedings of the Conference on Biblical Inerrancy 1987 (Nashville, TN: Broadman Press, 1987), 69.

[18] Patterson, Anatomy of a Reformation, 17.

[19] R. Albert Mohler, “The Southern Baptist Reformation—A First-Hand Account” (June 14, 2006) www.albertmohler.com/2006/06/14/the-southern-baptist-reformation-a-first-hand-account/ (accessed November 01, 2016).

[20] Dockery, “The Crisis of Scripture,” SBJT 9:1: 44-5.

[21] Aaron Cline Hanbury, “Seven questions with Paul Pressler about the Conservative Resurgence,” The Towers of The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary 12:10 (June-July 2014): 14.

[22] Ammerman, Baptist Battles, 71.

[23] Ammerman, Baptist Battles, 170.

[24] Foust, “25 years ago,” Baptist Press.

[25] Hefley, Truth in Crisis, 65.

[26] Whitley, “Holy War,” D Magazine.

[27] Patterson, Anatomy, 18-9.

[28] Paige Patterson, Letter: Paige Patterson to Adrian Rogers, June 15, 1976. The Paige Patterson SBC Conservative Resurgence Collection, Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary. http://digitalarchive.swbts.edu/cdm/search/collection/p16969coll18 (accessed November 01, 2016).

[29] Hefley, Truth in Crisis, 66.

[30] Ibid., 67.

[31] Hanbury, “Seven questions,” The Towers, 14-5.

[32] Ibid.

[33] Newton Scott, “SBC Elects Rogers President,” Baptist Beacon 40:25 (June 28, 1979), 1. The Paige Patterson SBC Conservative Resurgence Collection, Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary. http://digitalarchive.swbts.edu/cdm/search/collection/p16969coll18 (accessed November 01, 2016).

[34] Hanbury, Ibid., 15.

[35] Ibid.

[36] Foust, “25 years ago,” Baptist Press.

[37] Thom S. Rainer, “A Resurgence Not Yet Realized: Evangelistic Effectiveness in the Southern Baptist Convention Since 1979,” Southern Baptist Journal of Theology 9:1 (March 2005): 59.

[38] Ammerman, Baptist Battles. 84-6.

[39] Hefley, Truth in Crisis, 19.

[40] Patterson, Anatomy, 29.

[41] Aaron Cline Hanbury, “Semper Reformanda and the Southern Baptist Convention: Mohler discusses the Conservative (on-going) Resurgence,” The Towers 12:10 (June-July 2014): 17.

[42] Aaron Cline Hanbury, “3 Questions with Paige Patterson,” The Towers 12:10 (June-July 2014): 21.

Understanding Honor-Shame Cultures: Contextualizing the Gospel within an Eastern Perspective

Eastern World

Defining Honor-Shame Cultures

            Western Christianity (this includes the American brand) has largely existed wholly ignorant of Eastern cultures, which includes understanding the world from the position of collecting honor or shame. As a result, defining honor-shame cultures can be challenging. Therefore, the opening part of this section will attempt to define honor-shame cultures from a contrasting position of the typical Western-based culture (guilt-innocence). The remainder of this section will define honor-shame based upon characteristics that are held in common within most Eastern people groups.

Honor-Shame Culture Contrasted with Western Culture

            Westerners are, by nature, individualistic and are much more concerned with themselves than others. We tend to view our actions in light of law and logic.[1] When we violate either internal or external laws, moral or legal laws, we may experience guilt. This guilt is an internal experience and does not require another person to ascribe it.[2] In these instances, the violations of the law typically affect only those who violate the law. Thus, the American, when he knows that he is guilty of a violation, will seek to be justified via repentance or restitution. If this is achieved and recognized by the giver or the keeper of the law, then the American has been forgiven and experiences another individualistic and internal phenomenon—innocence.[3] This type of culture does not require any cooperating group to assign guilt or innocence. The primary goal of this type of view is to ensure that the rules are followed. If one knows the rules, then he knows how he should or should not behave.

In contrast to the typical Western guilt-innocence culture are the dyadistic-Eastern cultures that are much more focused on the group. There is an inherent dependence upon communal relationships that determine the right course of actions and thoughts within the East.[4] Violators of the group, instead of building up an internal experience or realization of guilt, are ascribed shame by those within a person’s group or community. Thus, honor-shame cultures have social interrelationships that are necessary in life.[5] What makes them necessary is that whenever an individual has been ascribed shame, there is very little that this person can do, on their own, to abate this. It is incumbent upon the group to not only ascribe shame for actions and attitudes that go against the group but also to ascribe honor.[6]

What is not completely clear, at this point of the discussion, is that honor and shame are not given, necessarily, because of what someone does. For those in the East, your actions reveal your character or person. Therefore, honor and shame are doled out, in their thinking, because of who one is. This is because of the perception within in the East that “we” is much more important than “me”. To this end, one’s identity is tied directly to the group.[7] The closest analogy that one might draw from the West is that of being part of a team that participates in a sport. The best basketball teams might have one or two players who are more talented than the rest of the team. However, if this team hopes to succeed, each person must take on a new identity, as assigned by the team, and live it out while they are part of the team.

Many Eastern cultures will have a complex social system of etiquette that maintain harmony within the community.[8] In Japan, one of the prevalent social systems is that of wa. Under wa, the Japanese people recognize that it is best for each person within the community to want the same basic things. For the Japanese, this social expectation is held to be best even though they also recognize that each person has their own wants, desires, and personal tastes.[9] One of the motivators for living under wa is found within a secondary but equally important system—uchi-soto (literately, “in or out”). Its purpose is to display to the group who truly belongs and who does not. Those who do not desire to save or build-up “face” (to build-up honor), either out of ignorance (a Western visitor) or out of social apathy, are branded by the group as, soto. This is analogous to the group assigning shame.[10] The coupling of these two social features helps to explain why, in Japan, students rarely ask questions of their teachers and workers often agree to standards or requirements from their bosses that they know are impossible. Subordinates, in Eastern cultures, tend to go out of their way to prevent shaming their superiors—to do so is considered unthinkable.[11] In China, those who seem to have no desire to save face are branded as being dangerous and highly immoral; likely because these types of people are viewed to be sources of social destruction.[12]

Shared Features within Honor-Shame Cultures

            Jackson Wu, a missiologist and theologian within a seminary that trains Chinese pastors, provides a list of three features that he believes to be universal from one honor-shame culture to the next. First, individuals within these cultures typically exhibit a great desire to maintain their reputation, which is often referred to as, “saving face”. Second, is the emphasis on maintaining relationships within the social collective. These relationships help to determine who, as the Japanese say, is uchi or soto. Those who are in can be trusted and looked to for the fulfillment of certain duties of honor. Third, is honoring those who have rank or authority over you. Hence, it is a grave move for someone to insult or attempt to shame an elder within the community.[13]

Tennent uses the Korean perspective to inform us about these features. To this regard, we can build onto Wu’s contribution. One’s reputation, while established at birth, is improved or damaged by maintaining group and community harmony. One of the ways this is accomplished is via reciprocity; which is a “give and take,” pay your debts to those to whom you owe, system. Regarding relationships, Tennent emphasizes the family construct, in that the children look to their older siblings, parents, and grandparents for guidance and they are expected to act accordingly.[14]

Honor and Shame

            By now, it should be clear that both honor and shame are intimately linked to the group and to one’s identity, as a person. However, unlike Western cultures, whose people tend to feel good about themselves prior to having accomplished anything and contributing in a positive way toward society, these two features (honor and shame) cannot be claimed by an individual. To those within Eastern cultures, accumulating and maintaining honor is of higher importance than truth, money, or goods. Those who have accumulated a high amount of honor will have a good reputation in the eyes of the community.[15] The ability to acquire a high degree of honor helps to ensure that a person is able to do well financially, etc. Furthermore, these people are believed to be trustable, viewed as successful, and they are able to make decisions with a certain degree of wisdom. Those who are viewed as honorable are viewed as valuable to the group. Thus, to be viewed in this way gains one access to good relationships; if one acquires enough honor, he may gain relationships with those of the elite.[16]

On the opposite end of the spectrum is shame. Shame, like honor, is assigned by the public. Those who act in such a way to take themselves out of their social context will, most likely, be shamed. Within an Eastern context, this is the worst possible fate of a mortal man, as it is reflective of your character and your value as a person. Thus, shame is to be avoided, in some cultures, to the point of death. In Japan, the concept of committing suicide to save your family from being shamed due to your actions is still practiced.[17] In the ancient Near East, as well as 1st Century Palestinian cultures, those who were of low value found themselves in a precarious situation; while they were not completely excluded from society-at-large, they were excluded from anything important or prestigious.[18] Therefore, as one accumulated shame, they were excluded from even more events; this would have made it quite challenging to acquire any honor, whatsoever.

Maintaining Honor

            A person begins his life with a measure of honor. This deposit is wholly dependent upon the communities’ perception of one’s family. Some things that may affect one’s initial deposit of honor, include: your father’s job or career path; the condition of your parents’ marriage; the situation of your birth (within or without wedlock). From this point, your honor can be improved or defaced, depending upon how one carries himself in the social dynamics of the community.

The prevalent perspective of this discussion, thus far, has been from an individual’s responsibility to his community. However, within an honor-shame culture, the community also has a responsibility to the individual. This responsibility takes two basic forms: recognizing a person’s honor and acting in kind; and, to investigate all personal claims of honor. Whenever a person makes a claim for honor, aside from the investigation, there are a set of affirmations and/or agreements that will likely occur. First, a reciprocal affirmation occurs between the group and the individual. The group, by the mere act of investigating the claim, is affirming that this person is seeking an elevation in status. By the act of making an honor claim, the individual is also affirming that he has attempted to act in accord with the standards of the group. Second, after investigating the claim, the group will either, agree that this person is due honor, or deny that this person’s actions are deserving of any extra honor. This is the dangerous part, as an attempt to achieve honor that is viewed as being “out of bounds” by the group will, most likely, result in being shamed. Third, the acquisition of honor (or shame) occurs in public, thus social elevation is ensured.[19]

At this point, it is important for us to understand that not everyone within a group is counted as worthy of making decisions or acts that would affect others in a positive or negative way. What is meant, here, is that someone from the lowest order of a society’s strata would not be able to attribute honor to those above him. These people simply do not have the recognized authority within the group to act in a significant way in this regard. Therefore, any attempt by them to bestow honor upon those above them will not be recognized in any positive way. However, if those in a superior social position are viewed to be permissive of one who is lower acting in this way, the result would be anything but desirable. The groups would, most likely, attribute to both people shame; however, this would have a greater negative worth on he who accepted this person’s honor.[20] In other words, their shame would be greater because of who they were in the eyes of the public.

The Challenge

            Within honor-shame societies, honor is like money, it is limited. The only person who is generally recognized as being able to increase a society’s quantity of honor is the person from whom it originated—God. Thus, when someone acquires more honor, more often than not, it was taken from someone else. To this regard, the challenge is the typical forum that is used to accomplish this. A challenge is a public confrontation (social contest) that is used to acquire honor and/or to attribute shame.[21]

Challenges are never private affairs, as they take advantage of the group’s responsibility to be the arbiter of honor claims. These challenges are not arbitrary affairs; they have rules. The most important rule has to do with social position. As in the case with being honored (see: Maintaining Honor), only those within equal social statuses may make challenges on one another. Those on a lower rung of the social ladder do not have the authority to make challenges toward those above their position. Also, challenges took many different forms; they could be verbal insults, physical attacks, the taking of property, or public charges of misbehavior.[22]

Whenever someone was challenged, one of the following responses were expected. First, the person challenged could respond with a public display of disrespect toward the challenger. This served to repel the “honor-grab” and was typically employed when the challenge was minor and not worthy of attention. Second, the challenge could be accepted. This was reserved for worthy challenges and resulted in a counter-challenge, which was given over to the group to judge. Third, the challenged person could accept defeat and accept injury to his reputation and a loss of honor. Honor lost would then be transferred to the account of the challenger. These three responses, however, were only employed when the challenger was judged to be socially equal. Whenever an illegitimate challenger appeared, it was the duty of the challenged person to ignore it. Any attempt to rebut illegitimate challengers would be viewed in a negative light by the group.[23] This would lead to a loss of honor on the part of the challenged person.

Honor-Shame Perspectives within Select Old Testament Texts

            The biblical world of the ancient Near East (the world of the patriarchs and prophets), as well as first century Palestine (the world of Jesus Christ and the Apostles),  was permeated with honor-shame cultures.[24] Our understanding of many of the narratives within the Old and New Testaments would be greatly enhanced if we understood honor-shame cultures and honor-shame language better. However, to save space, this section will be devoted to discussing one often misunderstood piece Old Testament narrative, Genesis 16 and 21 (Sarah, Hagar, Isaac, and Ishmael) within an honor-shame context.

Genesis 16 and 21 (Sarah, Hagar, Isaac, and Ishmael)

            The focus of this discussion has to do with Sarah dealing harshly with her servant, Hagar, after Hagar is brought in to her husband, Abram, to serve as a fill-in for Sarai, in order for Abram to have children, by-proxy, through Sarai. After this, Hagar “looked with contempt on her mistress” (Gen. 16:4b) after she had conceived by Abram. Sarai’s response was to “deal harshly” with Hagar, to the point that Hagar, who was pregnant, fled from the camp. She was encouraged by an angel to return and to obey Sarai. Years later, Sarai (now Sarah) conceived and bore Isaac to Abram (now Abraham). When Isaac was a weaned infant, Sarah witnessed Ishmael making fun of Isaac. Sarah immediately demanded that Abraham was to send Hagar and Ishmael out of the community, which he did (Gen. 21:8-14).

Most Westerners have likely read these scriptures and wondered why Sarah acted so harshly toward Hagar and Ishmael. It is easy to read this historical narrative and completely miss out on what was actually happening unless one attempts to read it from an honor-shame perspective. Before we begin this discussion, it is important to remember that Abraham fulfilled the role as the progenitor of the blessing to all nations, as such, he was viewed to be highly honored.

Sarah, as Abraham’s wife, would have been in a higher social group than most everyone else in her community. Thus, she would have had much honored conferred upon her as Abraham’s wife and sexual partner. However, perhaps in an act of frustration, Sarah attempted to use Hagar to advance the progress of the blessing via Abraham. This act had monumental social consequences, because Hagar, by conceiving Abraham’s child, was now the recipient of much honor. At this point, Hagar gained access to the same social level as Sarah.[25] In a likely attempt to usurp Sarah’s position within the community, Hagar attempted to challenge Sarah by openly looking upon her with contempt.

Sarah’s response was in keeping with an appropriate response to this type of challenge. Furthermore, if Sarah refused to act in an appropriate and shift way, the community would have judged Sarah to be less honorable than she was and would have shamed her. This could have severed her relationship with Abraham. We must be reminded that the promise given to Abraham was to occur via Sarah. Thus, if Hagar was allowed to usurp Sarah, what effect would this have had on the covenant promise between God and Abraham? Thus, Sarah felt compelled to repel this challenge by driving Hagar out of Abraham’s camp.[26]

A number of years later, Sarah finally conceives and gives birth to Isaac; by this time, Ishmael would have been a teenager and old enough to understand the social rules of an honor-shame culture. Thus, when Sarah saw Ishmael making fun of Isaac (Gen. 21:9), she responded, again, in an appropriate way. She recognized that Ishmael was attempting to shame Isaac, who was the object of the promise. She rightly recognized that Ishmael was attempting to usurp Isaac’s place in the covenant. Thus, she had Abraham drive Hagar and Ishmael out of the camp, in order to protect Isaac.[27]

A Contextualized Version of the Gospel in an Honor-Shame Perspective

            Prior to the Fall, Adam and his wife had no shame, “the man and his wife were both naked and were not ashamed” (Gen. 2:25). As God’s image bearers, they enjoyed a special relationship with the Creator. Out of God’s own character, He crowned Adam and his wife with honor—He gave them His identity and authority to rule over the earth. However, in their disobedience, they exchanged the honor given to them by God for shame (sin). At this moment, they were no longer “unashamed”, they would now wrestle with shame (sin); thus, they attempted to cover themselves, in order to hide their shame (sin). However, as members of God’s family and as divine image-bearers, they also brought shame upon God. Therefore, in the very first community, Adam attempted to challenge God’s honor. However, following the rules of the challenge, Adam was banished from God’s presence and was cursed by God (a great shame). Thus, God maintained his reputation, preserved His face, and deposed Adam’s challenge. Because of this, everyone who is descended from Adam begins their life with a low measure of honor, as man is in the family of a group of God-challengers. Therefore, all those in Adam, because of the curse, are as spiritually dead as Adam was after the curse of the Fall. However, the serpent was also guilty of attempting to challenge God’s honor. Therefore, the serpent was also cursed (shamed).[28]

However, out of His great love, God devised a way to restore man to their rightful place of honor. He blessed (honored) Abram, and blessed him further with a promise, “And I will make of you a great nation, and I will bless [honor] you and make you name great [honor], so that you will be a blessing [can confer honor]. I will bless [honor] those who bless [honor] you, and him who dishonors [shames] you I will curse [double-shame], and in you all the families of the earth shall be blessed [honored]” (Gen. 12:2-3).[29]

God made a covenant with Abraham’s descendants (Israel), promising to protect and bless (honor) them if they honored and obeyed God. However, like Adam, Israel also disobeyed, however their disobedience was much more chronic than Adam’s. God was patient with their challenge to His honor. However, following the rules of the challenge, God forced the Israelites into exile and brought shame upon them. Israel’s repeated turning away from God and their spiritual adultery was a literal “slap-in-the-face” in the eyes of the Lord. They brought shame upon God and upon themselves. In other words, Israel was a virtual repeat of Adam. Both Adam and Israel were intended for honor. However, because they challenged God and disobeyed, they only brought shame upon themselves and their people.[30]

God, however, still had not given up attempting to restore his crowning achievement to their place of honor. Therefore, He sent His Son, Jesus Christ via the Incarnation. Within an honor-shame context, this was the ultimate volitional lowering of a person. He left His place of honor with the Father in His kingdom to live amongst those who brought shame upon God and themselves. Truly, Christ stood as an example of humility. However, in the plan of God, for His Son to return to His place of honor, he took it upon Himself to lay down His honor. The crucifixion scene and the days leading up to it (Jesus’ trial) were all designed to maximize the shame that was hung upon the Son of God. Each trial was a mockery of justice designed to convict Jesus and bring shame upon Him. The scourging of Jesus was a public beating that would have been viewed to bring shame upon Him. The flogging with the cane, crown of thorns, and purple sash serve as instruments of mockery, which were designed to shame Jesus. Of course, the ultimate source of shame and scorn was the cross. The purpose of having Jesus carrying His own cross to the crucifixion site was to maximize His shame, prior to execution.[31] This brings a whole new significance to Simon of Cyrene, who was forced to carry Jesus’ cross—he was, literately bearing some of the shame that was intended for the Son of God!

Of course, the greatest source of shame conferred to Jesus was being crucified. Furthermore, in the eyes of those in the Roman world, Jesus was executed like a common slave. In the first century, the most common method to execute slaves was via crucifixion.[32] It was on a prominent position on a busy road going into Jerusalem so that all could see Him upon the cross and shame Him. Although Jesus’ earthly life honored God, the Father saw fit to hang the shame of man upon Him. Hence, Jesus cried out, “’Eli, Eli; lama sabachthani?’ that is, “My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?” (Matt. 27:46b).

Therefore, because of His obedience and His bringing honor to the Father, Jesus has been restored to His place of honor—at the right-hand of the Father. Now, those who align themselves with Jesus are given a new name—beloved (honored). Jesus’ blood covers over their shame and they are now restored into a right relationship with Father, in the community and family of God.[33]

The Value of Contextualizing the Gospel to Fit Honor-Shame Cultures

            Unfortunately, much of Western theology is written within a Western perspective. The issue is the bulk of the unreached people groups reside in a Majority World that is other than Western. The language of our theology and understanding of scripture is not well suited to these cultures. In other words, if we are to hope to reach peoples within an Eastern culture, we need to be prepared to contextualize our message in such a way that speaks to them and their perspective of life.

For example, Jackson Wu maintains that the traditional evangelistic tool, “the plan of salvation,” is prepared for a Western mind. The “plan of salvation” is addressed to the individual and is concerned about how to get an individual to come to Christ. Within Eastern cultures, that are collectively-focused, individual conversions are very difficult to occur. The “plan of salvation” also employs language that is legal. God is a judge and we stand guilty before Him because of our sins. This is a very impersonal relationship. However, peoples of the East are oriented toward relationships. Sometimes, the language of the “plan of salvation” can emphasize what sinners have done—sinned. However, honor-shame cultures are more concerned with a person’s identity within a relationship(s). The “plan of salvation” focuses less on how the gospel will impact someone’s life; while the language is more geared toward avoidance of punishment(s). [34] In short, someone originally from an honor-shame culture is going to have a difficult time “hearing” our words if we choose to employ this format to present the gospel.

Therefore, contextualizing our gospel presentations within an honor-shame framework will help us with presenting the gospel to Majority World peoples, in four ways. First, it dispenses with the overtly individualistic perspective of Christianity that so pervades the West. Eastern people need to see the community of God in action in our presentation of the gospel and in how we live out our faith. Second, it is an unfortunate fact, that can be substantiated via casual observation, that the churches in America struggle with esteeming to be a Christian version of the world. However, within an honor-shame culture, because they esteem the elder in the group, they will be much more inclined to honor God as the rightful object of glory and honor. Third (this is related to the previous point), the American church has a problem with getting its people to conform their whole lives to God. However, Eastern peoples within honor-shame cultures have spent their entire lives conforming their whole person to their group. Once they see Jesus as the true person of honor, it is likely that they will conform their whole lives to Him. Finally, the fact that those within honor-shame cultures are used to living a life attached to the local community, in a public way, correlates well to the notion that Christianity has always been intended to be a public faith. It is not a coincidence that Jesus told His disciples to pick up their cross and follow Him—crucifixion is a public and visible death.[35]

Conclusion

            This post has defended the position that honor-shame cultures within the East are much more group-oriented than are guilt-innocence cultures within the West. This cultural context was described and defined in contrast to the typical individualistic-Western culture that is typical of the American churches. It was maintained that Westerners experience an inner sense of guilt whenever we violate a law. However, this inner experience need not be related to any other person; a Westerner can experience this feeling of guilt on their own. However, in an honor-shame culture, the group assigns shame on those who violate the social norms to compel compliance with the group. 

A number of shared features within most honor-shame cultures (maintaining face/reputation; maintaining community relationships; respecting those in higher positions) were also discussed. The expected ways in which honor was maintained and the purpose/significance of challenges were also discussed. Genesis 16 and 21 were exegeted from an honor-shame perspective. Finally, a presentation of the gospel within an honor-shame perspective was also performed. It was maintained that, because the world of the ancient Near East and first century Palestine were steeped in an honor-shame culture, to fail to understand this culture leads to a misunderstanding of much scripture. Finally, the necessity and value of contextualizing the gospel within an honor-shame context were defended.

Bibliography

Chay, Fred. “The Bema Seat: It’s Background Of Shame And Honor,” Chafer Theological Seminary Journal (Fall 2009): 38-68.

Georges, Jayson. The 3D Gospel: Ministry in Guilt, Shame, and Fear Cultures. Edinburgh, Scotland: Time Press, 2014.

Hellerman, Joseph H. “Challenging the Authority Of Jesus: Mark 11:27-33 And Mediterranean Notions Of Honor And Shame,” Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 43:2 (Jun 2000): 213-228.

—. “The Humiliation of Christ in the Social World of Roman Philippi, Part 2,” Bibliotheca Sacra 160:640 (Oct 2003): 421-433.

Lee, Samuel. The Japanese and Christianity: Why Is Christianity Not Widely Believed in Japan? Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Foundation University Press, 2014.

Maruyama, Tadataka. “The Cross and The Cherry Blossom: The Gospel And Japanese Culture At A Crossroads,” Trinity Journal 21:1 (Spring 2000): 45-60.

Newell, Marvin J. Crossing Cultures in Scripture: Biblical Principles for Mission Practice. Downers Grove, IL: IVP Books, 2016.

Richards, E. Randolph. “An Honor/Shame Argument For Two Temple Clearings,” Trinity Journal 29:1 (Spring 2008): 19-43.

Stetzer, Ed. “4 Keys to Evangelism in Honor-Shame Cultures: Jackson Wu shares about how evangelism can happen in honor-shame cultures throughout the world,” Christianity Today (March 2015), http://www.christianitytoday.com/edstetzer/2015/march/4-keys-to-evangelism-in-honor-shame-cultures.html (accessed March 6, 2017).

Tennent, Timothy C. Theology in the Context of World Christianity: how the global church is influencing the way we think about and discuss theology. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2007.

Wu, Jackson. “Why has the Church Lost ‘Face’? Examining Our Blindspot About Honor and Shame.” Mission Frontiers (Jan-Feb 2015), http://www.missionfrontiers.org/issue/article/why-has-the-church-lost-face (accessed March 6, 2017).

—. “Does the ‘Plan of Salvation’ Make Disciples? Why Honor and Shame are Essential for Christian Ministry.” Asian Missions Advance (Jan. 2016): 11-21.

Endnotes

               [1] Tadataka Maruyama, “The Cross and the Cherry Blossom: The Gospel and Japanese Culture at a Crossroads.” Trinity Journal 21:1 (Spring 2000): 51.

               [2] Timothy C. Tennent, Theology in the Context of World Christianity (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2007), 79.

               [3] Jayson Georges, The 3D Gospel: Ministry in Guilt, Shame, and Fear Cultures (Edinburgh, Scotland: Time Press, 2014), Kindle electronic edition, location 276.

               [4] Ibid., location 225.

               [5] Tennent, 97.

               [6] Georges, Ibid., location 263.

               [7] Ed Stetzer, “4 Keys to Evangelism in Honor-Shame Cultures: Jackson Wu shares about how evangelism can happen in honor-shame cultures throughout the world,” Christianity Today (March 2015), http://www.christianitytoday.com/edstetzer/2015/march/4-keys-to-evangelism-in-honor-shame-cultures.html (accessed March 6, 2017).

               [8] Georges, location 243.

               [9] Samuel Lee, The Japanese and Christianity: Why Is Christianity Not Widely Believed in Japan? (Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Foundation University Press, 2014), Kindle electronic edition, location 465-492.

               [10] Lee, Ibid., location 492-513.

               [11] Ibid.

               [12] Jackson Wu, “Why has the Church Lost ‘Face’? Examining Our Blindspot About Honor and Shame.” Mission Frontiers (Jan-Feb 2015), http://www.missionfrontiers.org/issue/article/why-has-the-church-lost-face (accessed March 6, 2017).

               [13] Jackson Wu, “Does the ‘Plan of Salvation’ Make Disciples? Why Honor and Shame are Essential for Christian Ministry.” Asian Missions Advance (Jan. 2016): 13.

               [14] Tennent, Ibid.

               [15] Joseph H. Hellerman, “Challenging the Authority of Jesus: Mark 11:27-33 and Mediterranean Notions of Honor and Shame.” Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 43:2 (Jun 2000): 214.

           [16] Fred Chay, “The Bema Seat: Its Background of Shame and Honor.” Chafer Theological Seminary Journal 14:2 (Fall 2009): 52.

               [17] Lee, Ibid., location 2213.

               [18] Chay, Ibid.

               [19] Chay, Ibid., 50.

               [20] Chay, Ibid., 54.

               [21] E. Randolph Richards, “An Honor/Shame Argument for Two Temple Clearings.” Trinity Journal 29:1 (Spring 2008): 30-1.

               [22] Chay, 56.

               [23] Richards, Ibid., 32-3.

               [24] Marvin J. Newell, Crossing Cultures in Scripture: Biblical Principles for Mission Practice (Downers Grove, IL: IVP Books, 2016), Kindle electronic edition, location 674.

               [25] Newell., Ibid., location 695.

               [26] Newell, Ibid., location700.

               [27] Ibid., location 712.

               [28] Georges, Ibid., location 454.

               [29] Ibid., 462.

               [30] Georges, Ibid., 469.

               [31] Ibid., 475.

               [32] Joseph H. Hellerman, “The Humiliation of Christ in the Social World of Roman Phillipi, Part 2.” Bibliotheca Sacra 160:640 (Oct 2003): 426-9.

               [33] Ibid., 491.

               [34] Wu., “Plan of Salvation.” 12, 14-15.

               [35] Wu, “Plan of Salvation.” 20.

The Origin of Anabaptism in Switzerland: The Influence of Conrad Grebel

Conrad Grebel

Introduction

This post will discuss the founding of the Swiss Anabaptist movement (the Swiss Brethren), in Zürich, Switzerland, during the early sixteenth century, as well as the person who is often credited as the founder of this movement, Conrad Grebel (1485-1526). Grebel’s background, including his family, education, and work in Zürich, will be unpacked. It will be argued that the Swiss variant is the original form of Anabaptism. To fully appreciate the Anabaptist movement within Zürich, it becomes necessary to have an understanding of the primary theological reformer of that city: Ulrich (also, Huldreich or Huldrych) Zwingli. Therefore, Zwingli and the Swiss Reformation, as well as the relationship that the Swiss Brethren (congregation of Anabaptists in Switzerland) had with them, will be illustrated.  Also, a summary discussion of Grebel’s theology will be presented. After exploring the above issues, it would be profitable to briefly discuss what Anabaptism looked like, during and just after Grebel’s lifetime.

Ulrich Zwingli: Pre-Reformation Years

Perhaps it is unfortunate for Zwingli’s legacy that he lived and worked during an exciting time within Europe. A time in which the popular expression within academia was, ad fontes (“back to the sources”), as this was a time in which humanism would bear its influence on theological and scholastic thought. (The primary influence of humanism on theology is that it drove those who could read Greek to the New Testament.) This was a period that would produce John Calvin and Martin Luther, who would both overshadow Zwingli in most discussions of history, in general, and within Reformation history, in particular.[1] Born in the Toggenburg Village, of the eastern Alpine region of Switzerland, Ulrich Zwingli came into the world, just a few weeks after Luther, his German counterpart, on January 1, 1484.[2]

Like Luther, he was determined to join up with a monastic cloister (in his case, a group of Dominicans in Bern of the Swiss Confederation).[3] However, unlike Luther’s family, Zwingli’s parents were able to persuade their son to pursue a thorough education in some of the leading centers of learning during this time: Basel, Bern, and Vienna.[4] It was during his time in Basel and Bern that he likely became influenced in humanistic scholarship, as these were two leading cities of humanism during this period.[5] During this time of his life as a student, he would develop his skills at understanding the Greek language, becoming quite proficient. Soon after graduating in 1506, he became the priest in the Swiss village of Glarus, in which he was the chaplain to the Swiss troops located there.[6]

During this ten-year stint, Zwingli was afforded the time needed to develop his theology within a humanistic perspective. Soon after taking a similar post within Einsiedeln, in 1516, the fuse for the explosion of the Swiss Reformation was lit; he began to study the Bible (at least, the New Testament), for the first time.[7] Having received and read a copy of Erasmus’ New Testament (possibly, from the hand of Erasmus[8]) for the first time, Zwingli was afforded the opportunity to compare the words of Paul, and the other authors of the New Testament, with the Roman Catholic Church of his day. The result was that, prior to taking orders within the canton of Zürich as the people’s priest of the Grossmünster in 1519, he was determined to preach the gospel and nothing else.[9] However convinced Zwingli may have been about the erroneous state of the Roman Catholic Church, he did not actively begin his reforming efforts until 1522. However, during the interim, Zwingli became noted for his expositional skills and his ability to articulate the gospel. Thus, through Zwingli’s preaching, many within Zürich would become converted to a biblical version of Christianity.[10] This was the period in which Conrad Grebel would come directly under his influence.[11]

Conrad Grebel

Born into a prominent family in 1498, Grebel was one of two sons, within a family of six children of Jacob and Dorothea Grebel. For many generations, the Grebel’s had at least one member of their family filling a seat within the said city’s council. Prior to the Protestant Reformation, this family was a part of many of the important political movements within Zürich. This same family supplied a number of magistrates to the city of Zürich. Further, they were a family residing in the lower classes of the nobility. The most politically and economically successful member of this family was Conrad Grebel’s father, Junker (Germano-Austrian title; literately means, “young lord”) Jacob Grebel. As the son of Jacob Grebel, a man with connections in the upper echelon of European royal society, much of the younger Grebel’s early life can be categorized as an abject failure and that of falling short of expectations.[12]

Grebel’s Education

Grebel’s primary education, which had its foundation in the Latin model, was at the Carolina of the Grossmünster within Zürich for six years, prior to 1514. It was during this period that he was, likely, introduced to the Latin language. The pedagogical philosophy of this school was the traditional scholastic-style education that would have lacked the same intellectual spirit of the humanistic version that he would receive in university.[13] Soon, in October of 1514, Grebel would find himself in university studies in Basel. It was in Basel that he became associated with a noted humanist, Glarean. It was under Glarean’s tutelage that the young Grebel would have first been introduced to humanist thought. It must be noted, however, that Anabaptist scholars are not united as to the form of humanism that Grebel was exposed to, during this time. Bender and Estep agree that it was not of the decadent and immoral Italian version. However, Bender resists any form of Erasmian attribution, while Estep takes the opposing view. Bender contends that Glarean was not interested in religious reform, but, instead, only concerned himself with the promotion of the liberal arts. Estep, however, sees in Glarean a champion of high moral standards; perhaps, even, a champion of societal moral reform.[14]

After one year in Basel, Grebel’s father, due to an award of a scholarship via Maximilian I (the Holy Roman Emperor during that time), had him transferred to the University of Vienna.[15] While at Vienna, Grebel would fall under the influence of Vadian (whose hometown was near that of Grebel’s), a humanist who took it upon himself to gather the Swiss students into groups that were known for form close bonds. It was during this time, in which, a life-long friendship between Grebel and Vadian took root. Furthermore, their relationship would become closer than this, as Vadian would become Grebel’s brother-in-law through his marriage with Grebel’s sister, Martha, in 1519.[16] His time in Vienna would be marked by a number of personal changes. Vienna, itself, while being a center for humanist study (which often sought for a moral perspective regarding how to live), was also a very immoral and socially loose city. The young Grebel would soon throw himself, headlong, into the city-life of Vienna. Like many of his classmates, Grebel was prone to drinking to excess; he took up fighting, over and against disputation, to settle conflicts; further, he was known to be sexually promiscuous — a habit that he would go on to attribute a disease that he would fight for the rest of his life. Estep describes the tone of his Vienna days, in the following way, “…Vienna may have been a stimulating experience intellectually, but it was spiritually and morally debilitating (sic).”[17]

After three years in Vienna, without successfully attaining a degree, Grebel managed to get himself transferred to the University of Paris, in September of 1518. Once again, his father used his political contacts to secure for his son the necessary funding to supply this education. This was an opportunity that he seemed to look forward to, as it would be an occasion to study under Glarean, his favorite instructor, once again. However, as a humanist, Glarean was a moral man, a charge that could not be leveled against Grebel, at this time. Therefore, it would not be long before these two found themselves at odds with one another.[18] Within three months of his joining Glarean’s bursa, in Paris, Grebel would be dismissed from this same group. The incident that led to this may have been related to the election of a new Holy Roman Emperor, in 1519.[19] Grebel may have provided an allusion to this issue in a letter, dated June 9, 1519, to his friend, Myconius, “…what my misfortune is like, I have not the time to relate. If you do not know it, I would prefer to have you learn of it from my father (sic).”[20]

As a result of this expulsion from the Glarean bursa, Grebel spent nearly one year in a voluntary exile from the university. After this, he attempted to resume his studies, however, by the middle of 1519, the bubonic plague was ravaging through the city of Paris.[21] Grebel’s letters reveal that it was due to the plague of 1519, that he decided to flee Paris, as, “…they tell me the plague can be avoided if one flees away from the place where it is raging […] I have also myself decided to do this (sic).”[22] However, he did not return to Zürich, just yet; as, many of his letters provide for us strong evidence that he remained, either, near to Paris, or within an area of Paris not stricken with the plague. Of his nine letters written to Myconius, letter 6 was dated from Paris on April 13, 1520; the next letter was dated from Zürich on July 25, 1520.[23] Therefore, sometime between those two dates, Grebel apparently had given up on the hope of completing his studies in Paris, returned to his home in Zürich, and became a three-time college drop-out.

After six years in university study, Grebel managed to have only one significant thing to show for his time and efforts; and it would have a great impact on the religious and social scene of Switzerland, southern Germany, and Holland ever since. He returned to Zürich having learned a high degree of proficiency in Latin, Greek, and, possibly, Hebrew. However, while he was an avowed humanist and had a great appreciation for classic Greek literature, he did not, by this time, encounter the Greek New Testament. Thus, he had failed to acquire any form of biblical Christianity.[24] Instead, as can be evidenced by his letters, his speech and views of casual relationships were affected by the Greco-Roman Pantheon. Throughout his correspondence to Myconius, Grebel often cited, “Fortune”, “the gods”, “Cupid”, as well as other references to Greco-Roman deities and demi-gods to explain or negate his personal issues due to poor choices on his behalf.[25]

While Grebel would make short-lived attempts at other educational and training opportunities, the reality was that he was bound to remain in or near his hometown of Zürich for the bulk of his remaining days alive. While there, he fell in love with Zwingli’s scholastic work and soon found himself interacting with him and a small group of young intellectuals who were being groomed by Zwingli to assist in his upcoming theological and ecclesiastical reforming efforts.

Grebel with Zwingli

Not long after Grebel was re-established within Zürich, out of his interest for the study of humanism and the Greek classics, he joined a small and exclusive group of young intellectuals who had circled around Zwingli. While Grebel had proved himself to be a very irresponsible man, he was still a man driven by learning. Therefore, his purpose in joining with Grebel seems to have been merely to continue his studies on an informal basis. However, for Zwingli, the formation of this group and his involvement in it was a calculation on his part. As previously mentioned, by 1520 (the likely year that Grebel joined his group), Zwingli, had not yet begun an active program of reform. Even though he was thoroughly convinced of the necessity of reform away from Rome much earlier than this, he understood that he would need to build the foundation that would make his reforming efforts a success. Therefore, while this small group did study many of the Greek classics, Zwingli took it upon himself to introduce them to the Greek manuscripts of the New Testament. Another practice of Zwingli was to begin his lessons by introducing his group to the Latin Vulgate version of the New Testament,[26] he would then lead them in the translation and exegesis of these passages into their native German. Next, Zwingli and many of the members of the group challenged themselves to record expository sermons from their notes.[27]

While this process may have certainly convinced many within this group of the necessity of reform, it is quite likely that this only reached as deep as their minds. At a minimum, though, this could be said of Grebel, as it was not through these meetings and the work that he and others performed in them that convicted his heart and mind of his sin and his need of Christ. Rather, like many within this city, Grebel was converted through the preaching of the gospel through the ministry of Zwingli.[28] The exact date of this event is difficult to determine. However, what is abundantly obvious is a change in the language and tone of his written correspondence. As earlier highlighted, his correspondence to Myconius, during January 1519 through November 1521, did not reflect the mind of a convinced and committed Christian. However, all of his writings, including his personal letters, from mid-1522 and after, were noticeably absent of his many allusions to Greco-Roman deities, ideas, and concepts. Replacing these were references to the Bible, mentions of Christ, and specific citations of Bible verses.[29]

By 1522, Grebel was obviously a changed man; and to that end, he owed much to Zwingli and his ministry. It should not be a surprise, therefore, that Grebel and Zwingli became very close associates. As Grebel grew in his faith and in his knowledge of scriptural concepts, Zwingli began to depend on his assistance more and more. Two pieces of data support this notion, supremely. It was widely rumored that, prior to their eventual split, Zwingli so admired and esteemed Grebel that he had hoped to provide for him a professor’s chair within a planned-for Protestant university within Zürich.[30] On August 23, 1522, Zwingli published his Apologeticus Archeteles, a booklet that expounded the basic reform program intended by Zwingli to be carried out in Zürich. What’s striking is that Grebel wrote a short Latin poem to close out this booklet, within the appendix. This is highly significant, as it is an essential admission by Grebel that he is one with Zwingli, in regard to this proposed reform program. The language, both of Grebel and Zwingli, within the Archeteles, made it obvious that they had accepted the Bible as the sole possessor of authority for matters of faith in the life of a Christian, in particular, and within a church, in general. [31] Using Reformation language, this pair established themselves as holding to the position of sola scriptura — the view that scripture alone, specifically the Bible, is the only infallible source of authority, direction, and teaching to the believer in Christ. However, as events played out, Zwingli would display a willingness to put this on hold in order to maintain the bulk of his reform efforts within his city. This would lead to the beginnings of a sharp divide between these two friends, beginning in October of 1523.

The Labor Pains of Swiss Anabaptism

The first signs of division between Grebel and Zwingli showed up during the Second Disputation of October 1523. While on the topic of the Lord’s Supper, Zwingli and Grebel pushed to move its administration toward a more simplistic form, as close to that which is found within the New Testament. However, when the city council indicated their willingness to resist the reformers on this point, Zwingli backed off and refused to break with the council, while Grebel continued to push this issue.[32]

It should be recognized, however, that Zwingli’s willingness to see things the city council’s way on this issue is not an indication that he agreed with them. Early on, Zwingli had shown himself to be a man who was patient enough to await the opportune moment to move evermore forward with his reforming ideas. His three-year preaching of the gospel and his two-year investment in the small group of young intellectuals display this. While he was convinced of the rightness of reform, he would not allow, even that same rightness, to destroy his reforming efforts. It was better to wait than to see it all destroyed. Grebel was embittered by this, as to him, fidelity to the Word of God was primary. He displayed this disappointment with Zwingli and the Zürich city elders in a letter to his brother-in-law, Vadian, “…the Word was overthrown (sic)”.[33]

The question that was before Grebel was this: should a seated government have the primary say and directing authority in matters of conscious conviction? In other words, will the state or the church be the primary interpreter and expositor of the Word of God? While Zwingli was content to continue to work within the parameters set by the Zürich city council, Grebel was beginning to view this, more and more, as a clear violation of the teachings of Scripture. Grebel could not come to an understanding of how Zwingli was willing to wait. Grebel’s perspective was that the Word of the Lord could not be overcome by civil authorities and would have withstood and overcome any challenge to this regard. Furthermore, he seems to have been willing to face the consequences for his loyalty to the Word.[34]

The Swiss Brethren

While not yet completely separated from Zwingli, this group was essentially an unofficial entity in 1523. Other than Grebel, a significant figure in this group was Felix Manz, who would become Anabaptism’s first martyr to surrender his life. These two, including a Simon Stumpf, approached Zwingli with the apparent goal of reaching an understanding. Since this small party believed that they would not be able to compromise the Word in the way that they perceived Zwingli to have done, they approached Zwingli to propose the formation of a separate church within Zürich.[35] It would be a free-church, one not bound to the coercion of the city council. Since it was to be free from these bonds, it was to be a believer’s church that was centered around the gospel and the teaching of the apostles. In short, they proposed the formation of the first Anabaptist-type congregation, prior to the institution of believer’s baptism, however.

By 1524, this small group would find itself fully separated from their former mentor. The point of dispute that led to this cleavage was the disparate views on baptism. For Grebel and the Brethren, baptism was an outward sign of an inward repentance and change of heart. It was designed to act as a testimony that the believer belonged to Christ and that he had been cleansed and washed by His blood. Furthermore, it was a sign of their promise to live in a consistent manner with the teachings of the Word and to be open to godly discipline when they strayed from this course.[36]

There is evidence that Zwingli was more than sympathetic to this perspective, early on. Sadly, though, Zwingli was fearful of the potential consequences of following this path. There are at least three reasons for this. First, he was fearful that pushback from the city council would retard, if not, destroy, the reform. Second, he feared that the numbers within such a church would be too small to maintain the church. Third, Zwingli had a more inclusive view of the church than did the Swiss Brethren. While he recognized that the church, in reality, was comprised only of those whose heart belonged to God. Practically, however, he saw a potential regenerative and sanctifying service to the nominal Christian and to the unregenerate in their midst.[37] One needs to be reminded that many within Zürich were brought to Christ through his expository preaching in the Grossmünster; this included Grebel, who was now challenging him. While Grebel and the Brethren can be judged to be faithful to the Bible with their doctrine of baptism, how could Zwingli really be expected to follow them? For him, far too much was at stake; the conditions within Zürich called for a level of patience that the Swiss Brethren, especially Grebel, lacked.

For the next year, Grebel took the reign of leadership and expended much energy searching for an ally via correspondence. In the summer of 1524, he had written to Martin Luther, detailing his basic theology and complaint against the Zwinglian reforming efforts. While Luther probably never wrote back to Grebel, he did receive an encouraging word from Luther via a mutual acquaintance (Andreas Karlstadt). During this same approximate time, Grebel also reached out this former colleague of Luther. Karlstadt, who, by this time, had broken from Luther for complementary reasons as Grebel had from Zwingli. However, as Karlstadt surveyed the scene, he reported to Grebel that he viewed the situation as being impossible and backed away from the Brethren.

By this point, the Brethren came to grips that they would be forced to fight alone. The fact that a fight was a real possibility came through a number of messages preached that contained clear threats to the Brethren, as well as, public and private warnings that they might pay with their lives if they did not relent. All of this occurred in the last part of 1524, which was also when the challenge of paedobaptism (baptism of infants) occurred. However, contrary to the past, Zwingli pushed this argument to the fore. It seems, however, that his goal may not have been to crush his opposition or to see to their destruction. It may very well be that he was attempting to bring them back to his point-of-view, on the matter. First, he attempted to convince them via private discussion. When this failed, he appealed to the city council to organize a public debate, to be held on January 17, 1525.[38]

The January Disputation of 1525

It seems that both sides agreed to let the city council decide who the victor of this debate would be. Based upon this, it could be concluded that the Brethren did not appear with any hope of attaining a victory over Zwingli. It could be that their major goal was to convince as many in the audience of the rightness of their position. This view is put forth because it was actually the city council who desired to have paedobaptism practiced in the churches of Zürich; Zwingli was going along with this view hoping to maintain his reforming efforts. However, in this debate, he would perform as an ardent defender of the doctrine, as well. During this debate, which featured Grebel, Felix Manz, and George Blaurock, Grebel would play the leading role on the side of the Brethren.

The result was predictable and the city council handed down their decision in two parts. First, the Brethren were ordered to cease in their Bible study groups and to stop teaching their views on baptism. Second, they were, all, to submit their children to the state church for baptism. If the Brethren chose to ignore these decisions, the city council left them with three options. Compromise their firmly held biblical convictions and stay in Zürich, unmolested. Next, they could have maintained their position, forfeit their homes and be forced into exile. Finally, they could maintain their position and face the sword.[39]

Birth of Swiss Anabaptism

The Brethren had been meeting together for biblical counsel and prayer, in order to determine their next course of action. In the midst of such a meeting on the 21st of January, a fateful decision was made and acted upon. For our benefit, we have the testimony of one who claims to have been an eyewitness at this event,

And it came to pass that they were together until anxiety came upon them, yes, they were so pressed within their hearts. Thereupon they began to bow their knees to the Most High God in heaven and called upon him as the Informer of Hearts, and they prayed that he would give to them his divine will and that he would show his mercy unto them. For flesh and blood and human forwardness did not drive them, since they well knew what they would have to suffer on account of it. After the prayer, George of the House of Jacob (George Blaurock) stood up and besought Conrad Grebel for God’s sake to baptize him with the true Christian baptism upon his faith and knowledge. And when he knelt down with such a request and desire, Conrad baptized him, since at that time there was no ordained minister to perform such work.[40]

Some Distinctive Doctrines of Conrad Grebel

A number of doctrines held by the Swiss Brethren (church disciple, Lord’s Supper, and baptism) will not be covered in this section, as they were addressed earlier in this paper.

By extension, the discussion in the section can also be directly attributed to the Swiss Brethren, who would become the Swiss Anabaptists. While Grebel and the Swiss Brethren were thoroughly committed to the Bible, this group failed to produce a systematic theology. There are a number of reasons for this. They were in full agreement with Zwingli on all of the primary doctrines of Christianity—i.e. Trinitarianism, Christology, etc.[41] Grebel, as well as the leaders of this early movement, spent much time in exile or on the move. This lifestyle afforded for little time to devote their energies into developing this.[42] Grebel died not long after the break with Zwingli, in the summer of 1526, while visiting his sister in Germany.[43]

Grebel generally held the view that if something was not spoken of in the New Testament then it was forbidden. Therefore, he forbade singing in worship, specifically, because of its omission in the New Testament. For Grebel, he saw more evidence for this stance in Ephesians 5 and Colossians 3, where he believed that Paul forbade such practices.[44]

For Grebel, if a minister was to be supported, then it must not come from any governmental institution or representative. Grebel believed that such practices would inhibit the preaching of the gospel. Therefore, all monies used to support a local pastor must be from voluntary offerings from the members of the congregation. Furthermore, Grebel viewed the tithe as an Old Testament institution and rejected it. This rejection is directly related to his view that the New Testament is to be more authoritative than the Old Testament in the life of a Christian and in Christ’s church. Thus, the tithe was not to be upheld as a Christian practice.[45] It is likely that his view concerning the supremacy of the New Testament was due to his heightened eagerness to break from Rome. It must be remembered that much of the Roman Catholic doctrine that Protestants abhor was founded from the Old Testament and many of the Intertestamental writings. Thus, it was natural for Grebel to prefer the New Testament.

This final doctrine is generally regarded by many American Christians as a bridge too far: the sword. Grebel upheld the position of pacifism, or non-resistance, in the face of persecution and the threat of death. Grebel upheld a view of the church that involved the realistic possibility of suffering. For him, Christians are to be as “sheep among wolves, sheep for the slaughter, who must be baptized in anxiety and need [and] must be tested in the fire.[46]

Conclusion

Conrad Grebel, while being a great failure in his early life, ended his life as a successful Christian, in that, he was faithful to the Bible. Furthermore, he inspired generations of individuals, after him, to follow in a similar path. While history shows us that he and the rest of the Swiss Brethren owe much to Ulrich Zwingli, their break from him could not be for better reasons. For Grebel, it wasn’t necessarily about continuing the reformation of the Zürich church farther, it was, again, about being biblically consistent and faithful. History has been unkind to the Swiss Brethren and those groups who would branch off from their witness. Furthermore, Conrad Grebel had been, largely, ignored, forgotten, or misrepresented by contemporary Christians. It is sad that they are identified by the title “Radical Reformers,” because it belies the fact that their central goal was to live in harmony with and faithfulness to the Holy Word of God and the Gospel of Jesus Christ.

Bibliography

Bender, Harold S. “The Theology of Conrad Grebel,” The Mennonite Quarterly Review 12:1 (January 1, 1938): 27-54.

—.“Conrad Grebel, The Founder of Swiss Anabaptism,” Church History 7:2 (June 1, 1938): 157-178.

Estep, William R. The Anabaptist Story: An Introduction to Sixteenth Century Anabaptism, 3rd . Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1996.

Edward Yoder, ed. and trans. “Nine Letters of Conrad Grebel,” The Mennonite Quarterly Review 2:4 (October 1, 1928): 229-258.

George, Timothy. Theology of the Reformers. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 1988.

González, Justo L. The Story of Christianity: Vol. 2: The Reformation to the Present Day. New York, NY: HarperOne, 1985.

Grebel, Conrad. Letter to Thomas Muntzer, 1524. Bristol Baptist College: The Anabaptist Network, www.bristol-baptist.ac.uk/study-centres/anabaptist-study-centre/ (accessed September 8, 2016).

MacCulloch, Diarmaid. The Reformation: A History. New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2003.

MacGrath, Alister E. Historical Theology: An Introduction to the History of Christian Thought. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 1998.

Olsen, Roger E. The Story of Christian Theology: Twenty Centuries of Tradition and Reform.Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 1999.

Zorzin, Alejandro, “Reformation Publishing and Anabaptist Propaganda: Two Contrasting Communication Strategies for the Spread of the Anabaptist Message in the Early Days of the Swiss Brethren,” The Mennonite Quarterly Review 82:4 (October 1, 2008): 503-516.

Endnotes

[1] It is unfortunate that American Christians are not familiar with Zwingli. This is especially striking when we consider that Zwingli worked independent of Luther, likely benefitted from nothing of Luther, probably developed his Reformed ideas prior to Luther, and was much more of a systematic theologian than Luther.

[2] Timothy George, Theology of the Reformers (Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 1988), 51, 108.

[3] Diarmaid MacCulloch, The Reformation: A History (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2003), 137.

[4] Alister E. McGrath, Historical Theology: An Introduction to the History of Christian Thought (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 1998), 166.

[5] Justo L. González, The Story of Christianity: Volume 2: The Reformation to the Present Day (New York, NY: HarperOne, 1985), 46.

[6] Ibid.; George, 110.

[7] George, 112-2.

[8] Roger E. Olsen, The Story of Christian Theology: Twenty Centuries of Tradition & Reform (Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 1999), 399.

[9] William R. Estep, The Anabaptist Story: An Introduction to Sixteenth-Century Anabaptism, 3rd ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1996), 11.

[10] George, 113.

[11] Harold S. Bender, “Conrad Grebel, The Founder of Swiss Anabaptism,” Church History 7:2 (June 1, 1938), 165. Estep and Bender disagree on the dating. Estep maintains that Grebel returned to Zürich and joined a group of young humanist intellectuals, under the leadership of Zwingli, for the purpose of studying Greek texts, including the New Testament, in November of 1521 (Estep, 12). Bender, however, is less precise with his dating; suggesting that Grebel returned sometime between 1520-1521, entering into this study group sometime during this period (Bender, 165).

[12] Bender, 160.

[13] Ibid., #161.

[14] Bender, 164-5; Estep, 31.

[15] Ibid., #162.

[16] Bender, 163.

[17] Estep, 31-3.

[18] Ibid., #33.

[19] One of the candidates was the King of France, Francis, who was providing a stipend to Grebel to finance his education in Paris. However, in March of that same year, the Swiss Confederation had decided to resist the possibility of Francis’ election. This may have put Grebel in an embarrassing position. As a native Swiss, he may have felt pressure to support that decision of the Swiss leadership; however, as someone benefiting from the benevolence of the French King, he may have felt conflicted. What is known is that two of Glarean’s students had beat two Parisians to death in a fight, just prior to the date of Grebel’s dismissal from the Glarean bursa (Yoder, 256.10).

[20] Ibid., #242-3.

[21] Bender.

[22] Edward Yoder, ed. and trans. “Nine Letters of Conrad Grebel: Paris. July 18, 1519: To Myconius” The Mennonite Quarterly Review II:4 (Oct. 1, 1928), 244.

[23] Yoder, 250-1.

[24] Bender, 164-5.

[25] Yoder, 230, 243-54.

[26] This was a shared language within this group; further, there was, up to this point, a lack of New Testaments translated into the Swiss-German vernacular.

[27] Estep, 34-5.

[28] Bender, 166.

[29] Estep, 35.

[30] Bender, 166.

[31] Harold S. Bender, “The Theology of Conrad Grebel,” in The Mennonite Quarterly Review XII: 1 (Jan. 1, 1938), 34.

[32] Estep, 37.

[33] Letter of Grebel to Vadian, Dec. 18, 1523, taken from Estep, 38.

[34] Bender, Church History, 169.

[35] Bender, Church History, 168.

[36] Bender, Mennonite Quarterly Review, 42-3.

[37] Bender, Church History, 169.

[38] Estep, 37-8.

[39] Bender, Church History, 171-2.

[40] Account of Jörg Cajakob (George Blaurock) taken from, Estep, 13-4.

[41] Bender, Mennonite Quarterly Review, 46

[42] Ibid., #27; Alejandro Zorzin, “Reformation Publishing Reformation Publishing and Anabaptist Propaganda: Two Contrasting Communication Strategies for the Spread of the Anabaptist Message in the Early Days of the Swiss Brethren,” The Mennonite Quarterly Review 82:4 (October 1, 2008), 515-6.

[43] Estep, 43.

[44] Bender, Mennonite Quarterly Review, 41.

[45] Ibid. Conrad Grebel, Letter to Thomas Müntzer (1524) Bristol Baptist College: The Anabaptist Network, http://www.bristol-baptist.ac.uk/study-centres/anabaptist-study-centre/ (accessed September 8, 2016).

[46] Ibid., 42. An Amish associate of mine once convicted and challenged me with this, “What would have happened to the early Anabaptist movement if, when they saw the soldiers approaching their towns and settlements, they would have taken up arms and rifles to return fire?” My response was, “They would have been wiped out and their witness throughout Europe would have been damaged and likely destroyed.” He looked me in the eye and stated, “Now, you understand; but, can you live it out?”